Abstract
In June 1975, the State of Israel held a series of three state ceremonies as part of the process of transferring the bones of two members of the Lehi underground (the “Stern gang”). Thirty years after they were executed and buried in Cairo, coffins with the bodies of Eliyahu Bet-Zuri and Eliyahu Hakim were transferred from Egypt onto the Israeli army forces in Sinai and were reburied in Jerusalem. On 6 November 1944, in Cairo, the two assassinated Walter Guinness, First Baron Moyne, a cabinet member residing in Egypt and officiating as the British minister of State in the Middle-East. The deed was perceived at the time by most of the Jewish Yishuv circles in Mandatory Palestine as an ignominious, insane act of personal terrorism, in contravention to Jewish ethics and universal morality, as well as detrimental to the immediate and long-term Zionist interests. The consensus vis-à-vis the view of the two young Jews’ actions as negative and harmful encompassed the vast majority of Jewish circles in the country from left to right. And lo and behold, 30 years later, the Israeli government, led by the Israeli Labor Party, held state ceremonies in a process in whose denouement the assassins would be reburied on Mount Herzl, Israel’s official pantheon to heroism. This article seeks to examine the event and its import through a layered perspective based upon the research of collective memory, society, culture, and Israeli politics. The reburial of Bet-Zuri and Hakim summoned an affair from the past that had cast its shadow over the Israeli present of the mid-1970s. The event was fashioned according to the historical consciousness that was shaping during this period, which may be characterized as a crisis stage in Israeli society, in the aftermath of the Yom Kippur War (October 1973)—a phase whereby the hegemony of the Labor Movement eroded. I shall argue that the significance of this affair cannot be subsumed in the turnaround that manifested itself in the stance of the Israeli establishment toward the assassination of Lord Moyne and its perpetrators. It may be regarded, moreover, as a landmark for the shift that took place in the concept of heroism in Israeli consciousness. The modus operandi of the Yitzhak Rabin government vis-à-vis the affair was dual: on the one hand, it chose to render the event state-owned and acknowledge the assassins as legitimate Zionist heroes. On the other hand, the government did not offer a narrative that would clarify or elucidate the act. In fact, it left the arena open to other parties—Lehi veterans, rabbis, and journalists—for commenting on and casting content onto the ceremonies. I shall interpret the silence of the Rabin government as an expression of the weakening of the Labor Movement political center, as well as the erosion of its cultural role, and will argue that its attitude bespeaks an incipient manifestation of the privatization of memory in Israel.
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Notes
On 17 May 1977, the Likud ousted the long-dominant Alignment bloc for the first time. In doing so, Israel’s first non-leftist Prime Minister, Menachem Begin, altered forever the lineaments and dynamics of Israeli democracy. The Likud and its predecessor, Herut, had played a pervasive oppositional role throughout the first three decades of the state.
A cultural–political trend considered the nation forming in Palestine and Israel heirs to the peoples of the ancient Mediterranean basin, to pagan myths and the Semitic world.
Quoted from the transcript of the trial of Nathan Yellin-Mor and Matityahu Shmuelevich.
Jabotinsky Institute archive, H 13-3/48/3, pp. 962–963.
David Ben-Gurion to Mira Klarsfeld, 23 March 1967, Ben Gurion Archive.
Correspondence between Aviva Regulant Bet-Zuri and Menachem Begin, Begin Heritage Center Archive, 26 July 1967, 1 and 7 August 1967; Amnon Ben Yochanan to Aviva Regulant Bet-Zuri, 12 October 1967, Israel State Archives, C-1/6303; Amnon Ben Yochanan to Shlomo Hilel, 29 October 1967, Ben Gurion Archive.
Nathan Yellin-Mor to Anwar Sadat, 5 September 1971, Yellin Mor Archive, The National Library of Israel.
Menachem Hakim to Golda Meir, 21 November 1973. Ge'ula Cohen to Yitzhak Rabin, 18 June 1974. Moshe Svora'i to Golda Meir, 27 March 1974. ISA, C-6738/22.
See correspondence between the offices of the Prime Minister, the Minister of Defense and the Chief of Staff from the end of 1973 onwards: ISA, C-6738/22; ISA, C-6905/27.
See Foreign Ministry correspondence with the Israeli delegation in Geneva—telegrams and talk summaries: 26 and 28 February 1975, 6 and 10 March 1975. ISA, A 370/10; ISA, HZ-5838/4.
Michael Sever to Office of the Chief of Staff, 11 June 1975. Refa'el Vardi to Office of the Minister of Defense, IDF Archives, 92/656/1977.
Meir Aizental to the General Staff, 19 and 23 June 1975, IDF Archives 322/385/1979.
Meir Aizental to the Head of General Staff, 22 June 1975, IDF Archives 92/656/1977.
An acronym for a “Jewish espionage network which assisted the United Kingdom in its fight against the Ottoman Empire in Palestine between 1915 and 1917.”
“Aronot Shnei Eliyahu – be-heichal ha-gvura.” Ge'ula Cohen & Yizhak Shamir to Shlomo Goren, 22 June 1975, ISA-Privatecollections-NA-0013 xhe.
The widespread appellation of underground members who did not consent to abide by the leadership of the elected Zionist institutions during the British Mandate period in Israel.
The emphasis on the traditional-religious aspect also stood out at David Ben-Gurion’s funeral, which took place less than 2 years earlier.
Shlomo Goren, "Divrei ha'aracha Be-halvayatam shel olei hagardom Eliyahu Hakim & Eliyahu Beit Zuri, ISA D6.AC.1D 00,071,706.81.
Stuart Young (Chairman—JIA Finance Committee) to Yitzhak Rabin, 3 July 1975; Michael Sacher (President—JIA) to Yitzhak Rabin, 26 June 1975, ISA 6738/22.
Yitzhak Rabin to Michael Sacher, 29 June 1975, ISA 6738/22.
Aharon Yadlin to Evelyn de Rothschild, 29 July 1975, ISA, C-6455/1.
The “alignment” that was established by merging parties under the umbrella of the Labor Movement was the ruling party in Israel until [the “Upheaval in] 1977.
The Likud party was established as a group of political parties that united in 1973 under the leadership of Menachem Begin and, 4 years later, would come to power.
Israeli ultranationalist-Messianic Jewish movement. This right-wing activist movement was established in the wake of the 1973 War.
For a broader phenomenon of inclusion myths perceived as sectorial in national memory in those years.
During those years, a new kind of nostalgia for the British rule emerged among sectors of the Israeli Left, but concomitantly, the nostalgic dimension for the days of struggle against the Mandate authorities was still alive and kicking.
On the dilemma faced throughout the commemoration processes regarding the choice of the components and context of the event, versus the potential to arouse the identification of wider audiences.
Rothberg coined the term “multidirectional memory” to characterize his discussion on the links between Holocaust memory and the struggle against colonialism as two narratives that coexist side by side and even feed each other.
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Funding was supported by Israel Science Foundation (2083/2017).
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Goldstein, A. From Contemptible Terrorists to National Heroes: The Reburial Ceremonies of Lord Moyne’s Assassins and the Shift in Israeli Collective Memory on the Eve of the “Upheaval”. Cont Jewry 43, 69–95 (2023). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12397-023-09479-w
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s12397-023-09479-w