This study, using a national sample, examined the relationship of psychological distress with SES, mainly in terms of household income and employment arrangement. The main findings were that: (1) lower income and unemployment were associated with a higher prevalence of psychological distress and depression treatment; (2) the association of income with psychological distress and depression treatment was not a dose–response relationship, but, rather, took a threshold form; and (3) higher income and employment were related to a lower prevalence of medical treatment in respondents with psychological distress.
The finding in this study that lower income was associated with a higher prevalence of psychological distress is in line with previous studies in which the association was generally dose-responsive [12–14, 20]. In this study, however, the association appeared to show a threshold. All but the lowest quintile had similar prevalences of psychological distress. The cut-off of the lowest quintile was 3.6 million yen, which was almost half of the mean household income of the entire study subject population (7.4 million yen). This could mean that the lowest quintile of the population lives in relative poverty and is thus particularly vulnerable to psychological distress.
Concerning employment arrangement, this study showed unemployment to be associated with a higher prevalence of psychological distress, especially severe distress (K16 13+), and depression treatment. In the national data, unemployment is associated with higher mortality from suicide than any particular type of occupation [21]. It is suggested that unemployed people have specific needs for the prevention of psychological distress and suicide. The associations between psychological outcomes, income, and employment arrangement are probably interactive: lower income and unemployment result in psychological distress, and in turn psychological distress results in unemployment and decreased income. For this vulnerable population with lower incomes and unemployment, specific interventions aimed at both the medical treatment of psychological distress and social support for income and employment are needed.
Lower income was related to a higher rate of depression treatment. This relationship occurred not only because there was a higher prevalence of psychological distress in the lower-income population, but also because the higher-income population had a lower prevalence of depression treatment even if they had psychological distress. Interestingly, the relationship was not dose-responsive; the three middle-income quintiles had similar prevalences of depression treatment, while the lowest-income quintile had a markedly higher prevalence of treatment and the highest quintile had a markedly lower prevalence of treatment.
In most studies in other countries, lower income or lower educational attainment was associated with a lower prevalence of depression treatment, or there was no association [22–26]. In the present study, however, the lowest-income quintile showed the highest rate of depression treatment among respondents with psychological distress. Although there is generally a barrier to medical treatment for the lower-income population, particularly in the United States, which lacks nationalized health care [24, 25], in Japan this barrier appears to be relatively low due to the universal coverage of health insurance.
The finding that the highest-income quintile had a markedly lower rate of depression treatment among respondents with psychological distress raises two contrasting possibilities. The optimistic speculation is that distress in higher-income people with depression treatment is well controlled, and therefore their psychological distress is eased. Reports from other countries that people with higher SES are likely to receive more appropriate care are in line with this speculation [27, 28]. The lower, though not statistically significant, prevalence of psychological distress in the higher-income population, as shown in Table 6, may support this hypothesis.
On the other hand, the more pessimistic speculation is that people with higher income or more demanding work may now simply endure psychological distress, being reluctant to consult professionals about their psychological problems. We speculate that high-income individuals may also face barriers to receiving consultations, such as difficulty in taking time off from work, and the social stigma of seeking mental healthcare when in a high-pressure job. In addition, it might be difficult to continue to work or to earn a high income while receiving psychological treatment. These situations may prevent the early treatment of psychological distress and result in deterioration of mental conditions, absence from work, job loss, and, in extreme cases, suicide. To summarize our results and speculations, people with higher incomes are less likely to have psychological problems, but face more difficulty obtaining treatments when they do suffer these afflictions. Because this study was cross-sectional, it cannot be concluded which possibility, the optimistic or the pessimistic, is predominant.
This study has several limitations. Because it was cross-sectional, the results must be carefully interpreted. As mentioned above, the higher prevalence of psychological distress in the lower-income and unemployed populations might be the result of reverse causation, i.e., psychological distress causes lower income and unemployment. Reverse causation might also have an influence on the lower prevalence of depression treatment in the higher-income population. Another limitation is self-reporting in the questionnaire, in which medical treatment might have been under-reported, and there might have been reporting bias according to SES characteristics. Finally, household income was not adjusted for household size. However, a previous study has demonstrated that non-standardized income is as valid as standardized income for research purposes [29].
The results of this study have a few policy implications. First, the lower-income population, especially the population living in relative poverty, may have particular needs for the prevention of psychological distress. Their possible needs include not only mental health support, but also social support for socioeconomic factors, including income and job security. Second, populations other than the lowest-income quintile have similar risks of psychological distress, and thus require mental health support to some degree, regardless of income level, in order to prevent psychological distress and consequent job loss and income decrease. Finally, our results suggest that the population with higher income and full-time work may need suitable social environment arrangements to reduce barriers to obtaining medical treatment and professional support. Working conditions in which sources of psychological distress are decreased and employees are able to work without unreasonable psychological distress are required. Various mental health interventions should be comprehensively implemented, with the consideration of specific needs arising from all socioeconomic strata of the population.