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Beyond Consensus: Contesting the Human Rights to Water and Sanitation at the United Nations

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Abstract

Resolutions in the United Nations Human Rights Council and General Assembly provide clarification of economic, social, and cultural (ESC) rights, and most of these resolutions pass by consensus. Yet these resolutions are more contentious than they appear. This article analyzes a case study of contestation over resolutions on two ESC rights: water and sanitation. Drawing from theories of norms contestation, this article analyzes how the USA, UK, and Canada challenged the creation of the rights to water and sanitation as rights and as norms. An analysis of all resolutions, archival research, and interview data reveals that while challengers failed to stop water and sanitation from becoming legal human rights, they successfully delayed the process and weakened the normative aspect of the rights. The findings show that while powerful actors may not be opposed to ESC rights in theory, they worked to keep these rights weak and aspirational.

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Notes

  1. Robinson and Hunt 2006, cited in Richardson 2015: footnote 12.

  2. For example, research on reservations, understandings, and declarations are forms of contestation to established international treaties (Hill 2016).

  3. A right is aspirational when it lacks legally binding status, carries no legal recourse, and serves more as a guide for policy (Cole 2013: 173).

  4. These data were drawn from a database developed by Joel Voss at the University of Toledo, the Universal Rights Group’s database on Council and UNGA Third Committee resolutions, video recordings of Council and UNGA sessions, and Council and UNGA official reports on votes.

  5. This research was reviewed and received Institutional Review Board (IRB) approval.

  6. While it is not possible to report on the substance of informal meetings, interviews and analysis of public statements presents a picture of the grounds for challenges to these resolutions by a handful of powerful states.

  7. Future research could explore the motives for abstentions by other states on the early resolutions on the HRtWS. These are not explored in depth here, as many abstentions to the 2010 UNGA resolution were procedural rather than substantive (see Winkler 2014: 77–78). One area of substantive dispute is the issue of transboundary water—see footnote 10.

  8. Louise Arbour, quoted in De Souza 2008.

  9. A long-time water activist and author, Barlow writes of the human right to water as a tool to push back against water commodification both in Canada and abroad (see Barlow 2013).

  10. Other countries including Egypt, Argentina, India, China, and Turkey also expressed opposition to the HRtWS language, mainly due to concerns over transboundary water issues. Their opposition was less consistent and vocal compared to the USA, UK, and Canada (Personal interview 4 April 2016). While transboundary water issues were a point of contention in multiple resolution negotiations, interviews and archival research did not provide sufficient data to allow for inclusion in this analysis. However, this is a key area for future research.

  11. This document is missing in the online repository.

  12. The explanation of the position does not list what language the USA considers to be too broad or too specific.

  13. See https://www.un.org/en/ga/third/68/List_of_Co_Sponsors_Third_Committee_68.pdf for list of co-sponsors.

  14. The original resolution also called for considering the HRtWS in the Sustainable Development Goals post-2015 development agenda. This language was also challenged and ultimately weakened by the USA.

  15. The only other challenge to this resolution came from South Africa, who argued that the language urging development partners to adopt a human rights-based approach to water was too weak, and that a “right to development” approach would be stronger and preferable (United Nations 2014).

  16. In the 2016 and 2018 resolution negotiations, Kyrgyzstan proposed oral amendments, both of which were voted on and rejected. Kyrgyzstan called for a vote on both resolutions and voted No. The oral amendment sought to clarify that the HRtWS carries no obligations from one state to another. Kyrgyzstan raised similar concerns at the UNGA 2017 resolution, but was unable to change the resolution language (United Nations 2017). These amendments suggest that Kyrgyzstan might be concerned about protecting its own water resources, as Kyrgyzstan has more natural water resources than its neighbors (Qobil 2016).

  17. While Kyrgyzstan has challenged the last few resolutions on the HRtWS, they have not been a sustained challenger over the years.

  18. Earlier declarations and principles include rights language for water and sanitation. See Tully 2005, Langford 2006, and Langford and Winkler 2014 for a discussion of the HRtWS in these venues, including the history of contestation over the 2002 General Comment 15.

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Correspondence to Madeline Baer.

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The author did not receive support from any organization for the submitted work. The author has no relevant financial or non-financial interests to disclose. The study was granted exemption by the Human Subjects Institutional Review Boards of San Diego State University and Occidental College. The study was performed in accordance with the ethical standards as laid down in the 1964 Declaration of Helsinki and its later amendments or comparable ethical standards. Informed consent was obtained from all individual participants included in the study.

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Baer, M. Beyond Consensus: Contesting the Human Rights to Water and Sanitation at the United Nations. Hum Rights Rev 23, 361–383 (2022). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12142-022-00655-3

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