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The Ohrid Agreement: The Travails of Inter-ethnic Relations in Macedonia

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Abstract

This article provides an overview of some of the key changes brought about by the groundbreaking Framework Agreement (known as the Ohrid Agreement) in Macedonia since its signing in 2001. A power-sharing arrangement, it saved Macedonia from the brink of civil war. This article describes how the Ohrid Agreement restored peace by addressing the constitutional status of minorities, their equitable representation in the public sector and issues connected with higher education in the 2002–2006 period. It further assesses the merits of decentralization as a remedy for safeguarding a unitary state in a multi-ethnic environment. It consequently argues that the Ohrid Agreement and the ensuing reforms have been important steps in the right direction revitalizing Macedonia by empowering not only the sizeable Albanian population but other less numerous communities as well. However, daunting challenges remain ahead. The perception and language gap between the two main ethnic communities hinder efforts for a truly functioning multi-ethnic state. Moreover, the new government formed after the July 2006 general elections has stirred controversy and caused tensions affecting its Euro-Atlantic perspective. To what extent this will affect Macedonia’s multi-ethnic democracy remains to be seen.

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Notes

  1. Zhidas Daskalovski, “Language and Identity: The Ohrid Framework Agreement and Liberal Notions of Citizenship and Nationality in Macedonia” in Journal on Ethnopolitics and Minority Issues in Europe, Vol. 3, Issue 1 (2002), p. 14.

  2. Constitution of the Republic of Macedonia at www.president.gov.mk/prilozi/dokumenti/165/Constitution%20of%20RM.pdf.

  3. Daskalovski, “Language and Identity”, p. 15.

  4. Kim Mehmeti, “Futile Dialogue Exposed,” Institute for War and Peace Reporting, Balkan Crisis Report no. 228 (21 March 2001), at www.iwpr.net [last accessed on 1 April 2007].

  5. Borjan Tanevski, “The Problem Between the Macedonian and Albanian Ethnic Groups in the Republic of Macedonia and its Future” in The New Balkan Politics, Issue 9 (2000), pp. 6.

  6. Daskalovski, “Language and Identity,” p. 18.

  7. Natasha Gaber “The Muslim Population in FYROM (Macedonia): Public Perceptions” in Hugh Poulton and Suha Taji-Farouki (eds.) Muslim Identity and the Balkan State (Washington Square, NY: New York University Press, 1997), pp. 111.

  8. Ibid., p. 111. Despite the small number of Turks feeling discriminated, still 56% had grievances concerning state discrimination on the local level. That Turks felt less discriminated could be explained by the longstanding Macedonian policies of favouring Turks over Albanians and providing incentives for Albanians to declare themselves as Turks to reduce the former demographic weight.

  9. “Ahmeti’s Village: The Political Economy of Interethnic Relations in Macedonia”, European Stability Initiative (October 2002), p. 3.

  10. Ulf Brunnbauer, “The Implementation of the Ohrid Agreement: Ethnic Macedonian Resentments,” in Journal on Ethnopolitics and Minority Issues in Europe, Vol. 3, Issue 1, p. 4. The Macedonian Orthodox Church was against the constitutional changes, as it would reduce its higher status. Therefore, “it warned the MPs that... the Church would accordingly declare them outcasts of the faith, it said, and their names would be inscribed on pillars of shame in Orthodox cathedrals across Europe, America and Australia.” Vladimir Jovanovski and Lirim Dulovi “A New Battlefield: The Struggle to Ratify the Ohrid Agreement” in Institute for War and Peace Reporting “Ohrid and Beyond: A Cross-ethnic Investigation into the Macedonian Crisis,” (2002), pp. 69.

  11. Constitution of the Republic of Macedonia (note 2) Emphasis mine.

  12. Daskalovski, “Language and Identity”, p. 25.

  13. Framework Agreement at http://www.president.gov.mk/prilozi/dokumenti/180/FRAMEWORK%20AGREEMENT.pdf.

  14. Brunnbauer, “Implementation of the Ohrid Agreement”, 5.

  15. Framework Agreement (note 13).

  16. Ibid.

  17. “Macedonia’s Ethnic Albanians: Bridging the Gulf,” International Crisis Group (August 2000), p. 16.

  18. “Police Violence in Macedonia,” Human Rights Watch (7 April 1998), at hrw.org/English/docs/1998/04/07/macedo1099.htm [last accessed on 1 April 2007], p. 15.

  19. Ibid.

  20. Tanevski, “The problem between the Macedonian and Albanian ethnic groups” (note 5), pp. 10.

  21. Sabrina P. Ramet, Balkan Babel: The Disintegration of Yugoslavia from the Death of Tito to the Fall of Milošević, 4th ed. (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 2002), p. 189.

  22. Framework Agreement (note 13).

  23. Answers to the Questionnaire for the preparation of the European Commission’s Opinion on the application of the Republic of Macedonia for membership of the European Union, (2004), p. 57.

  24. Answers to the Questionnaire, pp. 57.

  25. Brunnbauer, “Implementation of the Ohrid Agreement,” p. 6.

  26. Framework Agreement.

  27. Elizabeta Galevska, Градоначалниците не очекуваат глатка децентрализација, [Mayors do not expect a smooth decentralization], A1TV (Skopje), 26 April 2005.The decentralization process empowers municipalities by obliging the central government to improve financial capacity of local authorities as well as allow them to raise local taxes and receive 1% of Macedonia’s value added tax revenues. The municipalities are enabled to make both short- and long-term loans from domestic and foreign banks. The decentralization plan transferred 489 departments and more than 27.000 employees from the central government to the municipalities.

  28. Shkelzen Halimi, “Macedonia to Face Challenges with Protests against Decentralization” Fakti (Skopje), 26 July 2004.

  29. “Macedonia: Make or Break,” International Crisis Group Report, Europe Briefing no. 33 (3 August 2004), at www.crisisgroup.org/home/index.cfm?id=2897&&|=1 [last accessed on 1 April 2007].

  30. Jenny Engstrom, “Multi-ethnicity or Bi-nationalism? The Framework Agreement and the Future of the Macedonian State,” in Journal on Ethnopolitics and Minority Issues in Europe, Vol. 3, Issue 1 (2002), pp 7.

  31. Тerry Davis, “The Decentralization Process is implemented successfully,” A1TV (Skopje), 12 November 2005.

  32. Abiodun Williams, Preventing War: The United Nations and Macedonia (Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 2000), pp. 118.

  33. Tanevski, “The problem between the Macedonian and Albanian ethnic groups,” p. 8.

  34. Brunnbauer, “The Implementation of the Ohrid Agreement,” p 6.

  35. Ibid.

  36. VMRO-DPMNE stands for Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization-Democratic Party for the National Unity of Macedonians. The DPA is established under the leadership of Arben Xhaferi. These two parties formed together with a centrist Macedonian party (the Democratic Alternative) a coalition government in 1998. The armed insurgency started under the watch of this government in 2001.

  37. Framework Agreement.

  38. Тетовскиот стана трет државен универзитет, [Tetovo University accredited as the third state university] A1 TV (Skopje) 28 September 2004 and Положани сака да ги легализира непризнаените малоречански факултети, [Pollozhani (Education Minister) wants to legalize the unaccredited Tetovo University departments] A1 TV (Skopje) 25 April 2006.

  39. Balkan Human Rights Network: Yearbook 2004,(Gostivar: Balkan an Rights Network, 2004), p. 165.

  40. Tanevski, “The problem between the Macedonian and Albanian ethnic groups,” p. 10.

  41. Violeta Petroska-Beska and Mirjana Najcevska”Macedonia: Understanding History, Preventing Future Conflict,” United States Institute of Peace, Special Report no. 115 (February 2004), at www.usip.org/pubs/specialreports/sr115.htm. [last accessed on 1 April 2007].

  42. Mirjana Maleska, “Project of Hope” Eurozine (http://www.eurozine.com/articles/2004–01–27-maleska-en.html).

  43. Mirjana Najcevska, “Bilingulism in a Kumanovo Kindergarten” (pp. 87–101), Local Government and Public Service Reform Initiative (New York: Open Society Institute, 2000), at lgi.osi.hu/publications/2000/26/08/pdf [last accessed on 1 April 2007].

  44. Framework Agreement. “The principle of positive discrimination will be applied in the enrolment in State universities of candidates belonging to communities not in the majority in the population of Macedonia until the enrolment reflects equitably the composition of the population of Macedonia.”

  45. Mile A. Risteski, “Политичките предизборни програми насочени пред се на економијата,” [The party electoral programs focused mainly on the economy] A1 TV (Skopje), 22 April 2006.

  46. “Early Warning Report: Macedonia”, United Nations Development Programme (New York, March 2006), p. 31.

  47. Ibid., p. 33.

  48. Ibid., p. 36.

  49. J.T. “Stip Council Rejects Vlach Request for Second Official Language,” Vest (Skopje), 5 December 2005.

  50. “Turkey welcomes results of Macedonian election, success of ethnic Turks,” Anatolia News Agency (Ankara), 17 September 2002.

  51. Steven Burg, “Macedonia: The Next Stage” (Princeton, N.J.: Project on Ethnic Relations, 2005), at www.per-usa.org/reports/MavrovoIV.pdf [last accessed on 1 April 2007], p. 13.

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  1. Georgetown University School of Foreign Services, Washington, DC, USA

    Armend Reka

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Reka, A. The Ohrid Agreement: The Travails of Inter-ethnic Relations in Macedonia. Hum Rights Rev 9, 55–69 (2008). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12142-007-0029-z

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