Skip to main content
SpringerLink
Log in

China’s Defense Against Post-unification Korea-US Alliance: Not at Yalu but Taiwan Strait

East Asia volume 33, pages 197–212 (2016)Cite this article

Abstract

China has long upheld a neutral, if not opposing, stance to Korean unification, a stance which could be largely defined as the political risks associated with the Republic of Korea (ROK)-US alliance and the stationing of US forces (USFK) in South Korea. Given South Korea’s need to engage USFK forces, does it imply there would not be a complete resolution to the Korean conundrum and to the future status of the US-ROK alliance and the USFK forces? In the recent years, the Chinese has somewhat softened its stance and its support of South Korea’s unification initiatives can be seen coming from the party, the military, and the political realm. Empirical evidence and logical inference from recent Chinese intellectual discourse have indicated that China’s security concerns could possibly be allayed if there is a redefinition of the ROK-US alliance and the USFK in the context of defending Taiwan and if the Korean unification precedes China’s.

This is a preview of subscription content, access via your institution.

Access options

Buy single article

Instant access to the full article PDF.

USD 39.95

Price excludes VAT (USA)
Tax calculation will be finalised during checkout.

Notes

  1. From the Chinese Communist Party, Secretary General Xi Jinping for the first time publicly supported South Korean government’s unification measure, i.e., trust-building process, at his meeting with President Park in March 2014 in the Netherlands where he “speaks highly of the trust-building process of the Korean Peninsula proposed by President Park.” “Xi Jinping Meets with President Park Geun-hye of the Republic of Korea,” Embassy of the PRC in Ireland, http://ie.china-embassy.org/eng/zgxw/t1141383.htm (accessed September 7, 2015). Chinese top legislator, Zhang Dejiang, chairman of the Chinese National People’s Congress, also openly expressed Chinese support for the same measure during his visit to Seoul in February 2014. “Zhang Dejiang: Fandui hanhandao yonghe, zhichi hanbandao xinren jincheng (Zhang Dejiang: Opposes Korean peninsula’s nuclearization but supports Korean peninsula trust-building process),” Yeonhap News, February 20, 2014. From the Chinese military, open support came from Chinese Minister of Defense Chang Wanquan in his meeting with President Park when he said China “vowed to join forces with the South for the achievement of peaceful reunification.” “President Park emphasizes Chinese support for Korean reunification,” Koreanet, February 5, 2015, http://www.korea.net/NewsFocus/Policies/view?articleId=125471 (accessed March 5, 2015).

  2. For the first time, China’s unification support was read to the South Korean audience by former Chinese President Hu Jintao in his speech at the South Korean National Assembly in 2005. “China’s Hu Supports Eventual Korean Unification,” Reuters, November 17, 2005, http://www.boston.com/news/world/asia/articles/2005/11/17/chinas_hu_says_supports_eventual_korean_unification/ (accessed November 18, 2005).

  3. On China’s support to the Trust-building process ([22], p. 4, [18], p. 99). China appraises President Park Geun-hye’s Northeast Asia Peace and Cooperation Initiative positively, Yeonhap News, May 9, 2013, http://www.yonhapnews.co.kr/bulletin/2013/05/09/0200000000AKR20130509185500083.HTML?from=search (accessed May 20, 2013); and “China voices support for Park’s proposal on unification with N Korea,” Yeonhap News, April 3, 2014. Dresden’s declaration was a speech to complement her earlier vision on the benefits of the unification by specifying so-called “three umbrella agendas” as the foundation for peaceful unification with the North: humanity, co-prosperity, and integration. Some specific measures included “joint economic development projects, the creation of the Northeast Asia Development Bank and cultural and educational exchanges with North Korea.” “President makes history in Dresden,” Joong-Ang Daily, March 29, 2014.

  4. A pioneering work on the benefits of Korean unification to China by [4]. The notion of “Dae-bak” was introduced in “Opening remarks by President Park Geun-hye at the New Year press conference,” http://www.korea.net/Government/Briefing-Room/Presidential-Speeches/view?articleId=117043 (accessed January 7, 2014).

  5. “Unification may be jackpot: Park,” Joong-Ang Ilbo, January 7, 2014. For an extensive and detailed study on the benefits of Korean unification from both internal and external perspectives, see [32]. For a Chinese perspective, Zhang Wuanyi, “What Korean Reunification Means to China,” Policy Forum Online, The Nautilus Organization for Security and Sustainability, October 12, 2007, http://nautilus.org/napsnet/napsnet-policy-forum/what-korean-unification-means-to-china/ (accessed November 23, 2007).

  6. “Park’s drive for unification faces headwinds, The Korea Herald, September 6, 2015.

  7. Jonathan Pollack, “Is Xi Jinping Rethinking Korean Unification?” A paper presented at the Third Korea Research Institute for Security-Brookings Joint Conference on “Cooperating for Regional Stability in the Process of Korean Unification: Contingency Preparations with the ROK-U.S. as Anchor” in Seoul, Korea, on January 20, 2015. Available at http://www.brookings.edu/research/presentations/2015/01/20-xi-jinping-korean-unification-pollack (accessed March 2, 2015); and [58].

  8. A contrary view s expressed in [28].

  9. Such argument was endorsed and reinforced when Chinese principles on Korean unification were recently reiterated in the Joint Statement following President Park and President Xi Jinping’s summit in 2014. <Zhonghua remin gongheguo he dahan minguo lianhe shengming [People’s Republic of China and Republic of Korea Joint Statement]>, Chinese Foreign Ministry webpage, http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_chn/gjhdq_603914/gj_603916/yz_603918/1206_604234/1207_604246/t1171408.shtml, July 4, 2014 (accessed July 4, 2014). For a compilation of support statement on the Korean reunification by successive Chinese leaders from Jiang Zemin to Hu Jintao, see ([8], pp. 21–24, [85], p. 141, [65] p. 59, [69], p. 168).

  10. Instead of using such words as “dissolving” or “dismantling” to describe China’s preference for the status of ROK-US alliance and the “complete withdrawal” of the USFK from the peninsula, the latest of official criticism on ROK-US alliance came in 2008. Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Qin Gang called the alliance “an outdated historical legacy of the Cold War” just the day before former South Korean President Lee Myong-bak’s first official visit to Beijing. Source: Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs Briefing, May 27, 2008.

  11. Enormous pressure is expected to arise to severely reduce military spending in light of the absence of a clear and present threat to US strategic interests. See ([53], p. 12). Similar concern was also raised earlier by ([13], pp. 24–25, [44], p. 130).

  12. One transformation form of the USFK that is expected as a result of a reduction in size from two brigades to one will be defined by so-called “Interim Brigade Combat Team (IBCT),” which is “designed with specific operational and organizational capabilities and would be able to deploy rapidly and conduct early entry operations” of the region, implying East Asia in a broad context and/or Northeast Asia ([25], p. 127). Recited from Army Transformation Brief on the Interim Force by Major General Jim Grazioplene, October 17, 2000, http://www.army.mil/usa/AUSA%20Web/PDF%20Files/IBCT%20Web%20with%20Notes.pdf (accessed July 24, 2000).

  13. Many foresee the loss of one of the two brigades and one of the two main operating air bases in Kunsan or Osan following the unification ([25], pp. 127–128, [31], p. 59).

  14. Such a posture by the USA, Japan and Korea will more likely be perceived by the Chinese as “a base for potential power play against China.” [24].

  15. It was reported at the conclusion of President Park’s first visit to Beijing in 2013 that President Xi “gave a message that Beijing would not refuse peaceful unification led by Seoul.” “Chinese president vows to be ‘good partner’ in Korean reunification,” The Dong-A Ilbo, June 29, 2013. Tisdall, Simon. “Wikileaks cables reveal China ‘ready to abandon North Korea’,” November 29, 2010, The Guardian, http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/nov/29/wikileaks-cables-china-reunified-korea (accessed January 3, 2011); “Zhongguo keyi jieshou hanguo toyi chaoxian bandao [China can accept South Korea unifying the Korean peninsula],” FT Zhongwenwang [Financial Times-Chinese version], December 1, 2010, http://www.ftchinese.com/story/001035811?full=y (accessed January 3, 2011); “China, ‘We Will Not Intervene if US Attacks North Korea,” Daily NK, March 26, 2005; and ([44] p. 123, [42], p. 51).

  16. Some foresee that as many as 13 China’s land borders will become beneficiaries of economic developments in North Korea, if it becomes economically open and viable [19, 56].

  17. Out of such concerns, Chinese discourse emphasizes that the USFK should stay within the confine of the Korean peninsula ([27], p. 33).

  18. In one observer’s term, it is so-called the freedom of action ([44], p. 129).

  19. When North Korea first introduced the question of USFK’s withdrawal as a formal discussion agenda at the fourth round of the Four-Party Talks, Chinese representatives did not oppose it, maintaining silence, which alluded to their acquiescence [40].

  20. A possible surgical strike at North Korea’s nuclear facility in Yongbyon was first mentioned by a US official, then advisor to Defense Secretary Rumsfeld, Richard Perle, on June 11, 2003. “US should prepare to strike Yongbyon facility,” Joong-Ang Ilbo, June 12, 2003.

  21. A plan to transfer the alliance into a regional and even a global partnership was announced in the Strategic Alliance 2015 agreement, which is premised on the relocation of the USFK and enhancement of ROK’s defense capabilities [43].

  22. Cited in “U.S. Strategy Plan Calls for Insuring No Rivals Develop A One-Superpower World,” New York Times, March 8, 1992. Recited from ([66], p. 4).

  23. Cited in South China Morning Post, April 8, 1997. Recited from ([66], p. 4).

  24. The joint study was conducted by the Rand in the United States and Korea Institute of Defense Analysis of Korea ([52], p. 5).

  25. Other factors that accounted for America’s justification include those perceived by the USA as vital to its regional strategic interests. They involve US role in guaranteeing regional stability during the tenuous period of transition, free and open sea-lanes, and the defense of Taiwan ([44], pp. 124–29).

  26. Chinese reaction is well documented in ([51], pp. 100–104).

  27. The scale of the exercise already began to expand in 2002 even before the breakout of the second North Korean nuclear crisis in March 2002 for instance, with the participation of a US aircraft carrier and about 500,000 South Korean troops. It was then by far the largest exercise since the end of the Korean War in 1953 ([7], p. 23). The scale would only increase with such bombers as B-2 and B-52, and F-22 jet fighters flying more than 4000 times for target practice in addition to the participation of the 7th Fleet and nuclear submarines. It would later include US aircraft carrier in 2004 (Kitty Hawk) and 2010 (George Washington) ([14], pp. 40–42). For China’s assessment of the US-ROK-Japan joint military exercises ([5], pp. 62–63).

  28. Many Chinese analysts perceive Japan as taking advantage of the nuclear situation in North Korea to not only strengthen its alliance with the US, but also advance its military readiness and advancement ([5], [82], pp. 60–61).

  29. Xinhuanet, June 6, 2010, http://news.xinhuanet.com/world/2010-07/06/c_12305072.htm (accessed June 7, 2010); Yonhap News, July 7, 2010; and Chinese Foreign Ministry Spokesperson’s Press Briefing, July 8, 2010, http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/chn/gxh/tyb/fyrbt/jzhsl/t714888.htm (accessed July 11, 2010, and July 13, 2010), http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/chn/gxh/tyb/fyrbt/jzhsl/t716403.htm (accessed July 16, 2010).

  30. China’s such concerns were arisen by the remark by then US Pacific Commander William J. Fallon on March 7, 2006, when he rationalized US-ROK alliance in the context of joint military exercises among the USA, Japan, and ROK as to defend against non-traditional security threats, China’s military modernization, and changes in security environment as a result of improved inter-Korean relations ([39], p. 54).

  31. Others who have questioned if USFK and the alliance should sustain after the unification of Korea include [2, 29, 46, 47, 59].

References

  1. Assmann, L. (2007). Theater Missile Defense (TMD) in East Asia: Implications for Beijing and Tokyo. Berlin: Lit Verlag.

    Google Scholar 

  2. Bogusky, R. (1998). The Impact of Korean Unification on Northeast Asia: American Security Challenges and Opportunities. Korean Journal of Defense Analysis. X(1), 49–73.

  3. Cha, V. (2014). Five Theories of Unification. CSIS Korea Chair Platform. July 22.

  4. Chen, F. (2001). Chaoxian bandao heping tongyi: Zhongguo lejian qicheng [Korean peninsula’s peaceful unification: China is optimistic about the realization]. Dongbeiya yanjiu [Northeast Asia Studies]. 1, 22–29.

  5. Chen, J. (2012). Meirihan chongzheng tiesanjao [The US, Japan, and ROK readjust Iron Triangle]. Zhongguo xinwen zhoukan [China News Week]. June 25, 62–63.

  6. Chen, J., & Zhang, J. (2011). Chaoxian bandao xin weiji yu meiguo dongbeiya tongmeng tixi xin bianhua [On the New Crisis of Korean Peninsula and the New Change of America’s Alliance System in Northeast Asia]. Dongbeiya luntan [Northeast Asia Forum]. 96(4), 21–26.

  7. Chen, L. (2002). Meiguo ganrao chaoxian bandao heping de you yi dongxiang: Xi jinri meihan junshi yanxi [Another act by the US to intervene on the peace on the Korean Peninsula: Analyzing recent US-ROK military exercise]. Dangdai haijun [Contemporary Navy]. 5, 23–24.

  8. Chen, X. (2012). Zhongguo dui chaoxian bandao tongyi zhengce qianxi [An Initial Analysis of China’s Policy toward the Reunification of Korean Peninsula]. Yazhou congheng [Asia Across]. 5, 21–24.

  9. Chen, X., & Zhong, T. (2006). ‘Hanmei tongmeng’ yantaohui jiyao [On the conference on ‘Korea-US alliance’]. Xiandai guoji guanxi [Contemporary International Relations]. 12,

  10. Chen, Y., & Ni, H. (2007). Jianxi zhuhan meijun ‘zhanlue linghuoxing’ de kuoda [A Probe into the Expansion of the ‘Strategic Flexibility’ of the American Troops Stationed in ROK]. Yafei Zongheng [Asia-Africa Studies]. 4, 17–23.

  11. Chen, Z. (2006). Bushen zhengfu duihan anquan zhengce tiaozheng zhong de zhongguo yinsu [Bush administration’s adjustment in South Korea’s security policy and the China factor]. Dangdai yatai [Contemporary Asia-Pacific]. 9, 39–46.

  12. Chung, J. (2014). China’s Evolving Views of the Korea-American Alliance, 1953–2012. Journal of Contemporary China. 28(83), 425–442.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  13. Cossa, R. (1996). The Major Powers in Northeast Asian Security. Washington, D.C.: INSS, National Defense University.

    Google Scholar 

  14. Dai, Y. (2013). Zhusha ‘helaohu’: Meirihan dui chao yuancheng daji jihua ju zuozhan nengli fenxi [Kill the “Old nuclear tiger”: the US, Japan, and Korea’s long-distance strike plan and war capability analysis]. Lingdao wencui [Leaders collection of writings]. 16(4), 39–43.

  15. Davino, M. (2004). Should the U.S. Continue to Maintain Forces in Korea? USAWC Strategy Research Project. Carlisle Barraks, PA: US Army War College, May.

  16. Department of Defense. (2004). Strengthening US Global Defense Posture. Washington, DC: Department of Defense, September.

    Google Scholar 

  17. Department of Defense. (2006). Quadrennial Defense Review Report. Washington, D.C.: Department of Defense.

    Google Scholar 

  18. Dong, X & Han, X. (2014) Chaoxian bandao xinren jincheng: Beijing, tezheng he zhanwang [Korean Peninsula Trust-building Process: Background, Features and Prospects]. Dongbeiya luntan [Northeast Asia Forum]. 113(3), 93–101.

  19. Garrett, B., & Glaser, B. (1995). Looking across the Yalu: Chinese assessment of North Korea. Asian Survey. 35(6), 528–545.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  20. Guo, R. (2006). Chaoxian bandao yu zhongguo dazhanlue [Korean Peninsula and China’s Grand Strategy]. Jiefangjun waiguoyu xueyuan xuebao [Journal of PLA University of Foreign Languages]. 29(1), 114–117.

  21. Guo, X. (2006). Hanmei tongmeng xunqiu xindingwei [US-ROK relations in search of new orientations]. Guoji wenti yanjiu [International Studies]. 3, 28–32.

    Google Scholar 

  22. Han, X. (2015). The Development of Relations between the Two Koreas: A Chinese Perspective. EAF Policy Debates. No. 30 (Seoul: East Asia Foundation, July 14).

  23. Hao, Y. & Zhao, Z. (1990). China’s Decision to Enter the Korean War: History Revisited. The China Quarterly. 121, 94–115.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  24. Harrison, S. (2001). Time to Leave Korea? Foreign Affairs. March/April, 62–78.

  25. Haselden, Jr., C. (2002). The Effects of Korean Unification on the US Military Presence in Northeast Asia. Parameters. Carlisle, PA: US Army War College, November.

  26. He, P., & Wu, Z. (2013). Hanmei tongmeng: Lengzhan hou chaoxian bandao anquan jizhi goujian de zhang’ai yinsu [Korea-US alliance: Obstacles to building security system on the Korean peninsula in the post-Cold War era]. Ha’erbin shifan daxue shehui kexue xuebao [Ha’erbin Normal University Social Sciences Paper]. 2, 18–20.

  27. He, Z., & An, X. (2008). Chaoxian bandao heping xieding yu heping jizhi [Korean peninsula peace treaty and peace system]. Dongbeiya luntan [Northeast Asia Forum]. 17(2), 30–36.

  28. Horowitz S. (2015).Why China’s Leaders Benefit from a Nuclear, Threatening North Korea: Preempting and Diverting Opposition at Home and Abroad. Pacific Focus. XXX(1), 10–32.

  29. Johnson, C. (1993), Rethinking Asia. National Interest. Summer, 20–29.

  30. Kelly, R. (2014). China’s Interest in Korean Unification: How Much Longer Is the ‘Buffer’ Worth It? The Korean Journal of Security Affairs. 19(2), 4–20.

    Google Scholar 

  31. Khalizad, Z. et al. (2001). The United States and Asia: Toward a New U.S. Strategy and Force Posture. Santa Monica, CA: Rand.

    Google Scholar 

  32. Kim, G., Hwang, B., Choo, J., et al. (2001). Cost and Benefit Studies of Korean Unification and New Approaches. Seoul: Korea Institute of National Unification.

    Google Scholar 

  33. Kim, S. (2003). The ROK–U.S. Alliance: Where Is It Headed? Strategic Forum, No. 197. Washington, D.C.: Institute for National Strategic Studies, National Defense University. April.

  34. Kydd, A. (2015). Pulling the Plug: Can There Be a Deal with China on Korean Unification? The Washington Quarterly. 38(2), 63–77.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  35. Lee, S. (2014). The Production of Territory in North Korea: ‘Security First, Economy Next’. Geopolitics. 19(1), 206–226.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  36. Li, H. (2004). Cong weixie, e zhe dao zheheng-lun zhuhan meijun lishi juesi de zhuanhuan [An Analysis of Redeployment of US Troops Based in South Korea]. Xueshu Tansu [Academic Exploration]. 3, 66–72.

  37. Li, H. (2004). Lengzhan hou zhuhan meijun tiaozhong pingshu [Remarks on the adjustment of USFK in the post-Cold War era]. Guoji guancha [International Observation]. 1, 56–63.

  38. Liu, J. (2007). Zhongguo dui chaoxian bandao guojia de zhengce [China’s policy on countries of the Korean peninsula]. Shijie jingji yu zhengzhi luntan [World Economy and Politics Forum]. 5, 78–84.

  39. Li, J. (2006). Zhuhan meijun ‘zhanlue linghuoxing’de neihan ji yingxiang [‘Strategic flexibility’ of the US forces in ROK and its implications and effects]. Xiandai guoji guanxi [Contemporary International Relations]. 4, 50–54.

  40. Li, F. (1999). Sifang huitan weihe nanyi qude jinzhan [Why is Four-party talks difficult to make progress]. Guoji zhanwang [International Outlook]. 17, 7–9.

  41. Ling, S. (2012). Liangmeng xinren bianqian yu meihan lianmeng zhuanxing [Alliance Trust Changes and the Tranfromation of US-ROK Alliance]. Taipingyang xuebao [Pacific Journal]. 20(4), 39–46.

  42. Liu, M. (1999). An Obsessed Task: Prospects, Models, and Impact of Korean Reunification. East Asia: An International Quarterly. 17(4), 30–53.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  43. Manyin, M., et al. (2010). U.S.-South Korea Relations. Washington, D.C.: Congressional Research Service, 3 November. http://fpc.state.gov/ documents/organization/152040.pdf. Accessed 1 December 2010.

  44. Mitchell, D. (2002–03). A Blueprint for U.S. Policy toward a Unified Korea. The Washington Quarterly. 26(1), 123–137.

  45. Odom, William. (2000). The US Military in Unified Korea. Korean Journal of Defense Analysis. XII(1), 7–28.

  46. O’Hanlon, M. (1998). Keep US Forces in Korea After Reunification. Korean Journal of Defense Analysis. X(1), 5–20.

  47. Olsen, E. (1994). Korea’s Unification: Implications for the US-ROK Alliance. In Thomas H. Henriksen & Kyongsoo Lho (Ed.), One Korea?: Challenges and Prospects for Reunification (pp. 98–107). Stanford: Hoover Institution Press.

    Google Scholar 

  48. Parker, R. (2003). US Military Presence in a Unified Korea. USAWC Strategy Research Project. Carlisle Barracks, P.A.: US Army War College, July 4.

  49. Ping, T. (2000). Meijun zai yatai diqu de bingli bushu jiqi shiming [US military posts in Asia-Pacific and duties]. Xiandai jianchuan [Modern Military Ships]. April, 9, 1–3.

    Google Scholar 

  50. Pettyjohn. S. (2012). The U.S. Global Defense Posture, 1783–2011. Santo Monica, CA: The Rand Corporation.

  51. Pollack, J. (2008). Asia Eyes America: Regional Perspectives on U.S. Asia-Pacific Strategy in the Twenty-first Century. Newport, RI: Naval War College Press, March 31.

  52. Pollack, J., & Cha, Y. (Ed.). (1996). A New Alliance for the Next Century: the future of US-Korea security cooperation. Santa Monica, CA: RAND.

    Google Scholar 

  53. Printz, S. (2006). U.S. Military Presence in a Post-Unified Korea: Is It Required? Carlisle, PA: US Army War College, March.

  54. Quan, K. (2003). Zhuhan meijun tiaozheng ji qi yingxiang [Readjustment of US forces in ROK and its effects]. Xiandai guoji guanxi [Contemporary International Relations]. 7, 7–12.

  55. Reeves, J., & Pardo, R. (2013). Parsing China’s power: Sino-Mongolian and Sino-DPRK relations in comparative perspective. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific. 13(3), 449–477.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  56. Reilly, J. (2014). China’s Economic Engagement in North Korea. The China Quarterly. 220. December, 915–935.

  57. Ross, R., & Zhu, F. (Ed.). (2008). China’s Ascent: Power, Security and the Future of International Politics. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  58. Rozman. G. 2014. Korean Reunification in the Context of Changing Triangular Relations. International Journal of Korean Studies. XVIII(2), 138–152.

  59. Scales, Jr., R., & Wortzel, L. (1999). The Future of U.S. Military Presence in Asia: Landpower and the Geostrategy of American Commitment. Carlisle Barracks, PA: Strategic Studies Institute.

  60. Secretary of Defense. (1998). The United States Security Strategy for the East Asia-Pacific Region, http://www.defenselink.mil/pubs/easr98/. Accessed 21 January 2001.

  61. Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld, D. (2001). Quadrennial Defense Review Report. Washington, DC: Office of the Secretary of Defense, September 30.

  62. Shambaugh, D. (2002). Modernizing China’s Military: Progress, Problems, and Prospects. Berkeley, CA.: University of California Press.

    Google Scholar 

  63. Shen, Y., & Wang, W. (2006). Meiri, meihan tongmeng bijiao yanjiu: Jianlun meirihan anquan hudong yu dongbeiya anquan [US-Japan and US-ROK alliance comparative studies: In the context of US-Japan-Korea security interaction and security of Northeast Asia]. Guoji guancha [International Observation]. 1, 61–66.

  64. Sing, B., & Shelter-Jones, P. (2011). Japan’s Reconceptualization of Security: The Impact of Globalization. International Relations of Asia-Pacific. 11(3), 491–530.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  65. So, A. (2001). South-North Reconciliation and Prospect for North Korea-China Relations. Asian Perspective. 25(2), 49–71.

    Google Scholar 

  66. Tang, S. (1999). A Neutral Reunified Korea: A Chinese View. The Journal of East Asian Affairs. XIII(2), 464–483.

  67. The United States Senate Committee. (2013). The Global Posture Review of United States Military Forces Stationed Overseas: Hearing Before the Committee on Armed Services, United States Senate. Lenox, MA: Hard Press Publishing, December 19.

  68. Wang, F. (1997). Tacit Acceptance and Watchful Eyes: Beijing’s View about the US-ROK Alliance. Carlisle Barracks: Strategic Studies Institute.

    Google Scholar 

  69. Wang, F. (1999). Joining the Major Power for the Status Quo: China’s Views and Policy on Korean Reunification. Pacific Affairs. 72(2), 167–185.

  70. Wang, Z. (2004). Zhuhan meijun chongxin bushu zhi yiyi [The meaning of redeployment of USFK]. Dangdai Yatai[Contemporary Asia-Pacific]. 5, 37–43.

  71. Whiting, A. (1968). China Crosses the Yalu: The Decision to Enter the Korean War. Standford: Stanford University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  72. Wu, G., & Lansdowne, H. (Ed.). (2008). China Turns to Multilateralism: Foreign policy and regional security. London: Routledge.

    Google Scholar 

  73. Wu, X. (2006). Taipingyang shang bu taiping: Lengzhanhou shidai de meiguo yatai anquan zhanlue [The Pacific Ocean is not Pacific: US’ Asia-Pacific Security Strategy in the post-Cold War]. Beijing: Shishi chubanshe.

    Google Scholar 

  74. Wu, X. (2005). The End of the Silver Lining: A Chinese View of the U.S.-Japan Alliance. The Washington Quarterly. 29(1), 117–130

    Article  Google Scholar 

  75. Wu, Z., He, P., & Dan J. (2013). Chaoxian bandao anquan jizhi goujian zhong de hanmei tongmeng yinsu [The Influence of Korean-American Union on Building Security System of Korean Peninsula]. Zhongguo Pudong ganbu xueyuan yuanbao [China Pudong Cadre School Paper]. 7(3), 100–104.

  76. Yan, D. (2000). U.S. Foreign Policy in World History. London: Routledge.

  77. Yang, H. (2005). Hanmei tongmeng tiaozheng de dongli, xianzhuang yu qianjing [The prospect, current status and motivation of adjustment in US-ROK alliance]. Xiandai guoji guanxi [Contemporary International Relations]. 8, 20–25.

  78. Yu, S. (2015). Chaoxian bandao zizhu heping tongyi: jichu yu lujing [Reunification of the Korean Peninsula: Foundation and Path]. Guoji wenti yanjiu [International Studies]. 2, 60–72.

  79. Yu, S. (2007). Luelun hanmei tongmeng de yanbian ji weilai qianjing [The Evolution of South Korean-American Ally and Its Future]. Weilai yu Fazhan [Future and Development]. 6, 48–52.

  80. Yu, Y. (2013). Zhongguo zhoubian zhanlue yu chaoxian bandao tongyi qianjing [China’s Strategy toward Neighboring States and Regions and Unification Future of the Korean Peninsula]. Liaodong xueyuan xuebao (shehui kexue ban) [Journal of Eastern Liaoning University(Social Sciences)]. 15(5), 10–16.

  81. Zhan D. & Lee, H. (2012). Chinese People’s Understanding of the Korean Unification Issue. Asian Social Science. 8(2), 63–74

    Google Scholar 

  82. Zhang, G. (2003). Meirihan: Weirao ‘chaohe’ tongchuang yimong [The US, Japan, and Korea: Different dreams, same bed concerning ‘North Korea’s nuclear’]. Xinwen zhoukan [News Weekly]. August 25, 60–61.

  83. Zhang, L. (2004). Chaoxian banddao zhong jiang tonyi [Korean peninsula will finally unify]. Shijie zhishi [World Knowledge]. 12, 30–32.

  84. Zhang, W. (2011). Meiri, meihan junshi tongmeng de tongbu qianghua jiqi yingxiang [The Influence of Simultaneous Enhancement of the US-Japan and US-Korea Alliance]. Shijie jingji yu zhengzhi luntan [Forum of World Economics and Politics]. 3, 11–12.

  85. Zhang, X.(2002). China and Inter-Korean Relations. Asian Perspective. 26(3), 131–144.

    Google Scholar 

  86. Zhang, Y. (2006). Xi diyuan zhengzhi huanjing xia de hanmei tongmeng guanxi [ROK-US Alliance Viewed Against the Background of New Geopolitical Environment]. Yafei Zongheng [Asia-Africa Studies]. 5, 39–44.

  87. Zhou, Y. (2009). Zhuhan meijun tiaozheng ji dui wo yingxiang [USFK adjustment and effect on China]. Heilongjiang shizhi [Goal of Heilongjiang’s history]. 20, 11–12 .

Download references

Author information

Authors and Affiliations

  1. Kyung Hee University, Seoul, South Korea

    Jaewoo Choo

Authors
  1. Jaewoo Choo
    View author publications

    You can also search for this author in PubMed Google Scholar

Corresponding author

Correspondence to Jaewoo Choo.

Rights and permissions

Reprints and Permissions

About this article

Check for updates. Verify currency and authenticity via CrossMark

Cite this article

Choo, J. China’s Defense Against Post-unification Korea-US Alliance: Not at Yalu but Taiwan Strait. East Asia 33, 197–212 (2016). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12140-016-9258-6

Download citation

  • Received:

  • Accepted:

  • Published:

  • Issue Date:

  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s12140-016-9258-6

Keywords

search

Navigation