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On the Appropriation of Space through Myth by Spanish Historians: Interpretation of Toponyms and Ethnonyms in the Footsteps of the Classical Tradition

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Notes

  1. Translation by H. L. Jones, The Geography of Strabo, Loeb Classical Library, 8 vols, Cambridge MA and London, 1917–1932.

  2. As can be seen in Veleius’s complaint against Chrysippus, in Cicero, De natura deorum, I.41. On the subject of Stoic etymologies, see D. Dawson, Allegorical Readers and Cultural Revision in Early Alexandria, Berkeley CA, 1991, pp. 23–72; G. R. Boys-Stones, ‘The Stoics’ Two Types of Allegory’, in Metaphor, Allegory and the Classical Tradition, ed. G. R. Boys-Stones, Oxford, 2003, pp. 189–216, and D. Russell, ‘The Rhetoric of the Homeric Problems’, ibid., pp. 217–34,. On their relationship to historical etymologies, see R. Tate, Ensayos sobre historiografía peninsular del siglo XV, Madrid, 1970, p. 146.

  3. On Io, see Aeschylus, Suppliants, 314–19; Herodotus, Histories, I.1–4. On the Medes and Medea, see not only Strabo, Geography, XI.13.10, but also Justin, Epitome of the Philippic History of Pompeius Trogus, XLII.2.12.

  4. As we can observe in the works of many poets and antiquarians from the Roman Empire, who compiled information from earlier Greek authors; see, e.g., Pliny, Natural History, III.38–54, the Roman Antiquities by Dionysius of Halicarnassus or the second half of Virgil’s Aeneid.

  5. Pliny, Natural History, IV.120: ‘Erythia dicta est, quoniam Tyrii aborigines eorum orti ab Erythro mari ferebantur’ (‘It received the name Erythia, because its first inhabitants, the Tyrians, were said to come from the Red Sea [Erythro mari]’). On this identification, see also Herodotus, IV.8; Strabo, Geography, III.5.4; Pseudo-Apollodorus, Mythological Library, II.5.10.

  6. It is difficult to enumerate all the ancient sources which mention this temple; but some of the best-known examples are: Strabo, III.5.2; Livy, Roman History, XXI.21; Pomponius Mela, Chorography, III.46; Philostratus, Life of Apollonius, V.5; Arrian, Anabasis, II.16.4; Silius Italicus, Punica, III.1–31; Justin, Epitome, XLV.5.2. The most complete study of these sources can be found in C. Bonnet, Studia Phoenicia VIII: Melqart. Cultes et mythes de l’Héraklès tyrien en Méditerranée, Namur and Leuven, 1988.

  7. On this issue, see P. Fernández Camacho, ‘Tuna Fish Across the Strait of Gibraltar: Traces of a Lost Fishing Myth?’, Euphrosyne, 45, 2017, pp. 41–57.

  8. Pliny, Natural History, III.8: ‘Lusum enim Liberi patris aut lyssam cum eo bacchantium nomen dedisse Lusitaniae, et Pana praefectum eius universae’ (‘Lusitania derives its name from the games [lusum] of Liber Pater, or from the rage [lyssam] of the Bacchants who came with him, and Pan was the governor [of Spain]’).

  9. On appropriation of territories in the Iberian Peninsula by using the Greek mythical tradition, see L. Antonelli, I Greci oltre Gibilterra, Rome, 1997. On Greek mythical tradition in the Italian Peninsula, and Roman efforts to use its parameters to create its own tradition, see F. Coarelli, ‘Miti di Fondazione delle città italiche in Servio’, in Hinc Italae gentes. Geopolitica ed etnografia dell’Italia nel commento di Servio all’Eneide, ed. C. Santini and F. Stok, Pisa, 2004, pp. 11–32; N. Horsfall, ‘Aeneas the Colonist’, Vergilius, 35, 1989, pp. 8–27.

  10. In Strabo, Geography, III.5.5–6, ‘Iberians and Lybians’ locate the Pillars in the temple of Gades, while the Gaditanians themselves have a foundation legend which identifies the Pillars with the city itself as per Phoenician tradition (see R. López Melero, ‘El mito de las Columnas de Hércules y el estrecho de Gibraltar’, in Actas del I Congreso Internacional ‘El Estrecho de Gibraltar’, ed. E. Ripoll Perelló, Madrid, 1988, pp. 615–42); but the Greeks identify them with geographical accidents in the Strait of Gibraltar and connect them with the hero’s journey. Pomponius Mela, a local geographer, locates Erytheia away from Gades, on the coast of Lusitania (Chorography, III.47), while Philostratus, in his Life of Apollonius, registers a tradition which identified it with a ‘neighbouring town’ (V.4). The tenth labour of Hercules was not depicted in the gate of the Gaditanian temple according to Silius Italicus (Punica, III.21–31).

  11. On Pherecydes the Athenian genealogist as the founder of the Erytheia/Gadir identification, and the significance of his historical context, see Antonelli, I Greci (n. 9 above), pp. 151–159; P. Fernández Camacho, ‘Gádeira, el décimo trabajo de Heracles y la política de Atenas’, Euphrosyne, 41, 2013, pp. 10–30.

  12. See Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, V.6.1; Strabo, Geography, II.4; Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Roman Antiquities, I.22, Servius, Commentary on the Aeneid, VIII.328; I.557.

  13. See J. M. Blázquez, Tartessos y los orígenes de la colonización fenicia en occidente, Salamanca, 1975, p. 36, for the first theory, and D. Plácido, ‘Los iberos en los textos clásicos’, in Actas del Congreso Internacional: Los Iberos, Príncipes de Occidente, Barcelona, 1998, pp. 51–8 (54), for the second.

  14. Caesar, Civil War, I.40; see also Pliny the Elder, Natural History, III.24; Lucan, Pharsalia, IV.8–18; Silius Italicus, Punica, I.633; Florus, Epitome of Roman History, II.13.2; Ausonius, Epigrams, XXIX.

  15. On the sources for this confusion, see E. Freeman, History of Sicily, I: Appendix IV, Oxford, 1894, pp. 472–94. See also C. Mastroiacovo, ‘Il problema de Laurentum’, pp. 75–110 (90–93), as well as F. Stok, ‘Servio e la geopolitica de la Guerra italica’, in Hinc Italae gentes. Geopolitica ed etnografia dell’Italia nel commento di Servio all’Eneide, ed. C. Santini and F. Stok, Pisa, 2004, pp. 111–62 (123–7).

  16. Philostratus, Life of Apollonius, V.5; Pausanias, Description of Greece, I.35.8; Strabo, Geography, XVII.3.8; Pliny the Elder, Natural History, V.2.4.

  17. Some significant examples of this tradition can be found in the Chronicle of Hippolytus (55–199), the Christian Topography of Cosmas Indicopleustes (II.26–8) and Isidore of Seville’s Etymologies (IX.2).

  18. ‘Thiras, from whom the Thracians (Thraces) are descended, with barely any alteration to their name, as if we said “Thiraces”.’

  19. Isidore of Seville, Etymologies, IX.2.46: ‘Medi a rege suo cognominati putantur. Namque Iason, Peliaci regis frater, a Peliae filiis Tessalia pulsus est cum Medea uxore sua. Cuius fuit privignus Medus rex Atheniensium qui post mortem Iasonis Orientis plagam perdomuit ibique Mediam urbem condidit gentemque Medorum nomine suo appellavit. Sed invenimus in Genesi quod Madai auctor gentis Medorum fuit a quo et cognominati, ut superius dictum est.’

  20. M. Gloël, ‘The Tubal Figure in Early Modern Iberian Historiography, 16th and 17th century’, Medium Aevum, 11, 2017, pp. 27–51 (28).

  21. Ibid. pp. 31–2, 50.

  22. M. Ballester Rodríguez, ‘La estirpe de Tubal: relato bíblico e identidad nacional en España’, Historia y Política, 29, 2013, pp. 219–46 (223): ‘la presencia de Tubal en España se argumentaba … por la existencia de ciudades como Tarragona, Tafalla y Tudela, que Tubal habría fundado. El azar de la similitud fonética concedió una enorme relevancia a la ciudad de Setúbal, en Portugal, considerada por distintos autores como la primera que el patriarca fundó en España.’

  23. R. Jiménez de Rada, De rebus Hispanie, I.3 (Historia de los hechos de España, transl. J. Fernández Valverde, Madrid, 1989); Alfonso X, Estoria de España, I. 2 (Primera crónica general de España que mandó componer Alfonso el Sabio y se continuaba bajo Sancho IV en 1289, ed. R. Menéndez Pidal, Madrid, 1955).

  24. Justin, Epitome, XLIV.1.2: the name is clearly derived from Hispalis (Seville). See also Isidore of Seville, Etymologies, XIV. 4. 28.

  25. See Chronicon mundi II.2 (Lucae Tudensis Chronicon mundi, ed. E. Falque, Turnhout, 2003).

  26. P. Fernández Camacho, ‘What Identity for Hercules Gaditanus? The Role of the Gaditanian Hercules in the Invention of National History in Late-Medieval and Early-Modern Spain’, in The Exemplary Hercules: From the Renaissance to the Enlightenment and Beyond, ed. V. Mainz and E. Stafford, Leiden, 2019, forthcoming.

  27. See Diodorus Siculus, Library, IV.17–25, and Dionysius, Antiquities, I.39–44, for the two main versions of the Euhemerized retelling of the Tenth Labour.

  28. All these fanciful etymologies can be found in De rebus, I.5, and Estoria, I.8–9.

  29. C. Beaune, Naissance de la nation France, Paris, 1985; and M.-F. Alamichel, ‘Le sense de l’histoire de Wace à ’, in Le passé à l’épreuve du présent. Appropriations et usages du passé du Moyen Âge à la Renaissance, ed. P. Chastang, Paris, 2008, pp. 327–44.

  30. D. Carrangeot, ‘La prophétesse Manto au service du prince. La réutilisation d’ une figure fondatrice urbaine par les Gonzague, ducs de Mantoue (seconde moitié du XVIe siècle)’, ibid., pp. 292–5, and N. Bouloux, ‘Étymologie, géographie et origine des villes en Italie (XIIIe–XIVe siècles): le cas génois’, ibid., pp. 103–17.

  31. See Gloël, ‘The Tubal Figure’ (n. 20 above), pp. 32–5.

  32. J. Margarit i Pau, Paralipomenon Hispaniae, liber secundus, ed. L. Lucero, 1994: http://www3.udg.edu/vell/ilcc/Eiximenis/html_eiximenis/portal_SH/textos/paralipomenon%202.htm (accessed 23/04/2019). On this work, see also B. Sánchez Alonso, Historia de la historiografía española, I, Madrid, 1947, pp. 363–6, and esp. Tate, Ensayos sobre historiografía peninsular (n. 2 above), pp. 123–82, who considers it the first humanistic approach to the history of the Iberian Peninsula.

  33. See IV.1: ‘… some wrote that the name Hispania is derived from Hispanus, nephew or successor of Hercules, the same one whom Justin names Hispalus, and it may be so, but I neither affirm nor deny it’, after which he expresses doubt about the exploit of Hercules and his famous foundations, attributing them to the Romans: Lucius Marineus Siculus, Opus de rebus Hispaniae memorabilibus: modo castigatum atq[ue] Caesareae maiestatis iussu in lucem aeditum, Alcala, 1553: http://bdh-rd.bne.es/viewer.vm?id=0000041736&page=1.

  34. Ibid., I.f.5: ‘Scribunt enim olim in Hispania citeriori populos, qui iuxta Sicorim erant, ortis inter se dissensionibus, victos patriam deserentes in Italiam migrasse, et inde in Siciliam profectos. Quam cum homines iam defessi, et quietem quaerentes totam pene vacuam invenissent, animadversa terrae fertilitate, ibi consedisse.’

  35. On this singular character, see R. Bizzocchi, Génealogies fabuleuses. Inventer et faire croire dans l’Europe moderne, Paris, 2010, pp. 29–51; W. Stephens, ‘When Pope Noah Ruled the Etruscans: Annius of Viterbo and his Forged Antiquities’, MLN, 119, 2004, pp. 201–23, and id., Giants in Those Days. Folklore, Ancient History, and Nationalism, Lincoln NE, 1989, pp. 98–138; C. R. Ligota, ‘Annius of Viterbo and Historical Method’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 50, 1987, pp. 44–56; A. Grafton, ‘Traditions of Invention and Inventions of Tradition in Renaissance Italy: Annius of Viterbo’, in id., Defenders of the Text: The Traditions of Scholarship in an Age of Science, 1450–1800, Cambridge MA and London, 1991, pp. 76–103; J. A. Caballero López, ‘Annio de Viterbo y la historiografía española del siglo XVI’, in Humanismo y tradición clásica en España y América, ed. J. M. Nieto Ibáñez, León, 2002, pp. 101–20; J. Caro Baroja, Las falsificaciones de la historia, Barcelona, 1992, pp. 49–96.

  36. Giovanni Nanni, ‘De primis temporibus et quattuor ac viginti regibus Hispaniae et eius antiquitate’, in id., Berosus sacerdotis Chaldaici, antiquitatum Italiae ac totius orbis libri quinque, 1552 [1498], Antwerp, pp. 290-307.

  37. Stephens, Giants in Those Days (n. 35 above), p. 108, mentions that this chronicle was hastily included in the volume, in the place of a minor work, because the Spanish Crown paid for the publication of the editio princeps.

  38. Stephens, ‘When Pope Noah Ruled the Etruscans’ (n. 35 above), p. 208: ‘One of Nanni’s principal ruses, aside from forged inscriptions and books of history, was the interpretation of place names, and by an adroit explanation of supposed phonemic evolutions over time, he found a way to make any toponym say what he wanted it to.’

  39. On this interesting figure, his antecedents in ancient and medieval sources, and his Spanish posterity, see Tate, Ensayos sobre historiografía peninsular (n. 2 above), pp. 16–32; J. A. Caballero López, ‘El mito en las historias de la España primitiva’, Excerpta Philologica 7–8, 1997–8, pp. 83–100; Fernández Camacho, ‘What Identity for Hercules Gaditanus?’ (n. 25 above); F. Checa Cremades, Carlos V y la imagen del héroe en el Renacimiento, Madrid, 1987, pp. 112–24; J. S. Moreira Fernandes, ‘Estrutura e função do mito de Hércules na Monarquia Lusitana de Bernardo de Brito’, Ágora, 9, 2007, pp. 119–50.

  40. See F. Wulff Alonso, Las esencias patrias. Historiografía e historia antigua en la construcción de la identidad española (siglos XVI–XX), Barcelona, 2003, p. 18: ‘the stunning emergence of Spain in European politics reinforced the need of … new images from the past which could explain and extol this new position’.

  41. On the early critics of Nanni, see Stephens, ‘When Pope Noah Ruled the Etruscans’ (n. 35 above), pp. 206–12; on his posterity, see Bizocchi, Génealogies fabuleuses (n. 35 above), pp. 29–59.

  42. Good examples of this contradictory attitude are Juan de Mariana and Florián de Ocampo.

  43. Stephens, ‘When Pope Noah Ruled the Etruscans’ (n. 35 above), p. 215: ‘The harmony of Annius’s works lay in their persuasive construction, through which he convinced his readers that it was intellectually permissible to believe his assertions.’

  44. G. Cirot, ‘Florian de Ocampo, chroniste de Charles-Quint’, Bulletin Hispanique, 16.3, 1914, pp. 307–36; H. Gimeno Pascual, ‘Florián de Ocampo’, in Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum II, 1995, http://www3.uah.es/imagines_cilii/Anticuarios/Textos/Ocampo.htm (accessed 01.08.2018); A. Samson, ‘Ocampo: Castilian Chronicler, Habsburg Propagandist: Rhetoric, Myth and Genealogy in the Historiography of Early Modern Spain’, Forum for Modern Language Studies 42.4, 2006, pp. 339–54.

  45. This, for example, was written by Morales in one of his letters: ‘And, though concerning King Pelagius I have read a very long letter which the Master Florián de Ocampo wrote to sir Luis de Avila and de Zuñiga … where he addressed this subject very extensively, defining this prince’s lineage and mentioning many of his relatives, of whom he said many things, I will not use it, and neither will I give a detailed account of it, because it lacks the proper foundation and authority which History requires’: quoted in Bizzocchi, Génealogies fabuleuses (n. 35 above), p. 42; originally published in M. Ortiz de la Vega, Las Glorias Nacionales II, Madrid, 1853, p. 181.

  46. See J. Álvarez Junco, G. de la Fuente Monge, El Relato Nacional. Historia de la historia de España, Madrid, 2017, pp. 70–71.

  47. F. Gómez Martos, La creación de una historia nacional. Juan de Mariana y el papel de la Antigüedad en la Edad Moderna, Madrid, 2018, pp. 65–120; F. Wulff Alonso ‘Andalucía antigua en la historiografía española (XVI–XIX)’, Ariadna, 10, 1992, pp. 9–32; M. Álvarez Martí-Aguilar, Tarteso. La construcción de un mito en la historiografía española, Málaga, 2005, pp. 27–31; J. A. Caballero López, ‘Mito e historia en la ‘Crónica General de España’ de Florián de Ocampo’, in Memoria de la palabra: Acta del VI congreso de la Asociación Internacional de Siglo de Oro, I, ed. F. Domínguez Matito and M. L. Lobato López, Burgos and La Rioja, 2004, pp. 397–406.

  48. Stephens, Giants in Those Days (n. 35 above), pp. 134–7.

  49. Nanni, ‘De primis temporibus’ (n. 36 above), p. 295.

  50. See Pliny the Elder, Natural History, V.145: ‘according to some, the Moesi, the Brygi and the Thyni crossed from Europe (into Asia); the Mysi, and the Phryrigians and Bithynians are named after them’. However, he chooses to conveniently forget that, according to other classical sources like Herodotus, Histories, VII.73, Strabo, Geography, VII.7.8, or Pseudo-Scymnus, Periodos to Nicomedes, 434, those European ‘Brygi’ came from Macedonia.

  51. Florián de Ocampo, Crónica General, I.7: ‘Acuérdome yo que siendo llegado con fortuna de la mar en una villa de la tal Isla nombrada “Catafurda”, los moradores della con otros que de fuera venían, mostraban mucho placer con los Españoles que por allí nos juntábamos, y nos tomaban por las manos en señal de buen conocimiento, diciéndonos descender ellos de linaje Español.’ Cirot believes that ‘Catafurda’ could be a literal transcription of Waterford: G. Cirot, Les Histoires Générales d' Espagne entre Alphonse X et Philippe II [1284–1556], 1904, Bordeaux and Paris, p. 98.

  52. J. Carey, A New Introduction to Lebor Gabála Érenn. The Book of the Taking of Ireland, Dublin, 1993.

  53. Stephens, Giants in Those Days (n. 35 above), pp. 139–84.

  54. Jean Lemaire de Belges, Illustrations de Gaule et Singularitez de Troye, I, Leuven, 1882–1885, pp. 9–123.

  55. Nanni, ‘De primis temporibus’ (n. 36 above), pp. 299–300. On the classical sources establishing ties of kinship between Atlas and Hesperus, see Diodorus Siculus, Library, III.60.3 (Hesperus as the son of Atlas), but also IV.27.5 (Hesperus as the brother of Atlas).

  56. Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo, Historia de las Indias, I. 3.20; see G. Gliozzi, Adam et le Nouveau Monde. La naissance de l'anthropologie comme idéologie coloniale: des généalogies bibliques aux théories raciales (1500–1700), Lecques, 2000, pp. 23–4.

  57. Gliozzi, Adam et le Nouveau Monde (n. 56 above), p. 24.

  58. Ibid., pp, 25–38.

  59. Bizocchi, Génealogies fabuleuses, (n. 35 above), p. 40. On Sarmiento de Gamboa and Van Gorp’s works, see ibid., pp. 39–43.

  60. See La Península Ibérica prerromana: de Éforo a Eustacio, ed. J. Mangas and D. Plácido, Madrid, 1999, pp. 445–6, for a study on the sources and posterity of this identification.

  61. Jan van Gorp, ‘Hispanica’, in id., Opera, nempe Hermathena, Hieroglyphica, Vertumnus, Gallica, Francica et Hispanica, Antwerp, 1580, pp. 105–16.

  62. Gliozzi, Adam et le Nouveau Monde (n. 56 above), pp. 212–15.

  63. Aristotle, De mirabilibus auscultationibus 84 (85); a slightly different version of the same story was transmitted in Diodorus Siculus, Library, V.19–20.

  64. Already Bartolomé de las Casas, a contemporary of Oviedo, had voiced this objection to his theory: Gliozzi, Adam et le Nouveau Monde (n. 56 above), pp. 24–5.

  65. Nanni, ‘De primis temporibus’ (n. 36 above), pp. 300–301. Nanni and Ocampo both identify their King Atlas with the mythical King Italus from Virgil, Aeneid, I.533, creating a portmanteau figure of sorts.

  66. See Freeman, History of Sicily (n. 15 above), p. 478, and Mastroiacovo, ‘Il problema de Laurentum’, (n. 15 above), pp. 91–3, as well as N. Horsfall, Virgil, Aeneid 7. A Commentary, Leiden, 2000, p. 514.

  67. See the Catalogue of Women, Fr. 102; Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Roman Antiquities, I. 61; Pseudo-Apollodorus, Mythological Library, III.138; Diodorus Siculus, Library, V.48.2; Hyginus, Fables, 250; and Virgil, Aeneid, VII.195–242, VIII.134–137 III.163–171.

  68. Taken from Thucydides, History, IV.2, and Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Roman Antiquities, I.12.

  69. Strabo, Geography, VI.2.4: ‘διετέλεσαν μέχρι δεῦρο Σικελοὶ καὶ Σικανοὶ καὶ Μόργητες καὶ ἄλλοι τινὲς νεμόμενοι τὴν νῆσον, ὧν ἦσαν καὶ Ἴβηρες, οὕσπερ πρώτους φησὶ τῶν βαρβάρων Ἔφορος λέγεσθαι τῆς Σικελίας οἰκιστάς.’

  70. Solinus, On the Wonders of the World, V.7: ‘It [Sicily] was named Sicania long before the Trojan war after a king Sicanus, who came with a large army of Iberians, then after Siculus son of Neptune’; Servius, Commentary on the Aeneid, I.533: ‘… as far as the places held by the Sicani, by whom I mean the Siculi.’

  71. Ocampo, Crónica General, I.23; cf. Thucydides, History, VI.24.2–6.

  72. Ocampo, Crónica General, I.24; cf. Servius, Commentary on the Aeneid, III.167.

  73. Ocampo, Crónica General, I.24: ‘Y estos Españoles defensores de Coribanto, fueron también otra nueva compañía, o linaje entre los Españoles viejos allá, y se llamaron Siceleos, diversos en el apellido de los Morgetes, y Sicoros, y Sicanos: aunque (como tengo dicho) todos de nación Española, y de una mesma gente y hermandad.’

  74. Nanni, ‘De primis temporibus’ (n. 36 above), p. 303.

  75. Ocampo, Crónica General, I.26: ‘…sucedió que los apellidos antiguos de los otros Españoles Morgetes y Sicoros y Sicanos, comenzaron algún tanto de se perder, y casi todos eran llamados Sículos.’

  76. Ibid.: ‘…confiesan abiertamente ser Españoles aquellos Sículos en Italia.’

  77. See Ocampo, Crónica General, II.12 and II.18, for the most notorious examples of this.

  78. Some of the most persistent of these ramifications were those used to embellish the antiquities of particular territories, such as the kingdoms under the Crown of Spain, individual regions and cities. It is worth mentioning, e.g., how Esteban de Garibay (1533–1600) used the Tubal legend as established by Nanni and Ocampo to boost the credentials of the Basque Provinces as the home of the oldest and purest civilization in the Iberian Peninsula: see Gloël, ‘The Tubal Figure’ (n. 20 above), pp. 35–8, and Wulff Alonso, Las esencias patrias (n. 40 above), pp. 41–8, in which the link of these precepts to modern nationalism is also established; and how the friar Bernardo de Brito (1569–1617) located the Hercules myth in Lusitania, a stand-in for the modern Portugal, which influenced perceptions of the myth’s location for a very long time: see Moreira Fernandes, ‘Estrutura e função do mito de Hércules’ (n. 39 above), pp. 119–50. Most notoriously, Books I and especially II of Ocampo’s Crónica General, with their focus on Andalusia, were at the basis of interpretations of the history of this region which have lasted until the twentieth century: Wulff Alonso, ‘Andalucía antigua’ (n. 47 above), pp. 9–12, and Álvarez Martí-Aguilar, Tarteso (n. 47 above), pp. 27–31. Local historians of a city which was treated as the scenario of many relevant happenings, Cádiz (the ancient Gades), either used as a source or simply copied Ocampo’s work, easily adapting its national scope to a local one: A. Morgado García, Agustín de Horozco. Historia de Cádiz [1598], Cádiz, 2002, and Fray Gerónimo de la Concepción. Emporio de el Orbe [1690], Cádiz, 2003.

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Special acknowledgement to the Fondation Hardt pour l’ Étude de l’Antiquité Classique (Vandoeuvres, Switzerland) for funding the research stay and providing the books and materials which allowed me to work on this article.

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    Pamina Fernández Camacho

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Fernández Camacho, P. On the Appropriation of Space through Myth by Spanish Historians: Interpretation of Toponyms and Ethnonyms in the Footsteps of the Classical Tradition. Int class trad 28, 117–138 (2021). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12138-019-00554-y

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