A European Geography of Patristic Scholarship in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Dulciloquiorum libri tres; e Bibliothecae Romerstorpianae uetere manuscripto exemplari nunc primum editi, Herborn, 1614 (I used the BNF copy). The title-page bears the mark of Christoph Corvin, printer of the Academy of Herborn (C. Reske, Die Buchdrucker des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts im deutschen Sprachgebiet, 2nd edn, Wiesbaden, 2015, pp. 401–2). The short preface is signed by Wilhelm Rolichius, who also published a German abridgment of Calvin’s Institutes, on the title-page of which he calls himself pastor at Urbach, in the county of Wied (R. Peter and J.-F. Gilmont, Bibliotheca calviniana. Les œuvres de Jean Calvin publiées au XVIesiècle, III, Geneva, 2000, pp. 608–10). The censors appear unaware that the Dulciloquia had first come out in 1592. The 1614 edition is unchanged but the text was reset.

  2. 2.

    ACDF, Index, Diari, II, fol. 130r (2 April 1618). Aldobrandini sent the book to Robert Bellarmine, who, as ‘the most ancient cardinal’ of the congregation, hosted its meetings in his palace. See G. Fragnito, ‘Un archivio conteso: le “carte” dell’Indice tra Congregazione e maestro del Sacro Palazzo’, Rivista Storica Italiana, 119, 2007, pp. 1276–1318 (1278).

  3. 3.

    ACDF, Index, Diari, II, fol. 134v (9 May 1618). There is still no prosopography of the Roman Index in the 17th century (the recent volume by H. H. Schwedt, Die römische Inquisition: Kardinäle und Konsultoren, 1601 bis 1700, Freiburg im Breisgau, 2017, only covers those members of the Index who also belonged to the Holy Office), and information about Strada is scarce. From 1619 to 1622, he held the chair of moral philosophy at the Sapienza (C. Carella, L’insegnamento della filosofia alla ‘Sapienza’ di Roma nel Seicento: le cattedre e i maestri, Florence, 2007, p. 161, no. 50). His only contribution to theology seemingly consisted in preparing for the press the abridgment of Thomas Aquinas’s Summa by the Sicilian Jesuit Pietro Alagona, which became a very successful textbook throughout Catholic Europe. See Strada’s dedication to his patron, the future cardinal Francesco Sacrati, prefixed to P. Alagona, Sancti Thomae Aquinatis Theologicae Summae compendium, Rome, 1619, sigs †2r-†3r.

  4. 4.

    Compare, for instance, a 1666 censura by Giovanni Bona, in J.-L. Quantin, ‘Protecteur et censeur: Giovanni Bona et la culture religieuse gallicane’, Rivista di Storia e Letteratura religiosa, 46, 2010, pp. 533–77 (562).

  5. 5.

    Strada’s censura (unsigned but certainly his, as the other one in the volume is signed by Rastelli, see n. 15 below), ACDF, Index, Protocolli AA, fol. 269r: ‘Liber uidetur ab haeretico conscriptus ementito nomine Sancti Augustini Geneuae, aut alibi excussus, nam Typi non sunt Germanici, sed Gallici. Dicitur autem excussus Herbornae, quae Ciuitas haeretica est, et fingitur repertus liber in quodam Monasterio ex iis, quae apud Treuiros occuparunt Haeretici.’ See Rolichius’s preface, Dulciloquiorum libri (n. 1 above), p. 2: ‘eos in Treuiriis, coenobio Romerstorpiano inuentos’.

  6. 6.

    G. Menk, Die Hohe Schule Herborn in ihrer Frühzeit (1584–1660). Ein Beitrag zum Hochschulwesen des deutschen Kalvinismus im Zeitalter der Gegenreformation, Wiesbaden, 1981, pp. 159–64.

  7. 7.

    Notice and bibliography in N. Backmund, Monasticon Praemonstratense: id est historia circariarum atque canoniarum candidi et canonici ordinis Praemonstratensis, I.1, 2nd edn, Berlin, 1983, pp. 242–4.

  8. 8.

    H. K. L. Schulze, Die ehemalige Prämonstratenser-Abtei Rommersdorf: Untersuchungen zur Baugeschichte unter besonderer Berücksichtigung des 12. und 13. Jahrhunderts, Mainz, 1983, p. 13.

  9. 9.

    See B. Neveu, L’erreur et son juge. Remarques sur les censures doctrinales à l’époque moderne, Naples, 1993, esp. pp. 394–6, 463–73.

  10. 10.

    ACDF, Index, Protocolli AA, fol. 269r: ‘Author non palam haereses profitetur, loquitur tamen stilo, ac frasi haereticorum; et non semel haereses huius temporis insinuare uidetur, ut patebit ex locis assignatis.’

  11. 11.

    Ibid.: ‘mouet quaestionem, an sit licitus usus psallendi in ecclesia, quae ita concludit: tamen cum mihi accidit, ut me amplius cantus, quam res, quae canitur moueat, paenaliter me peccare confiteor, et tunc mallem non audire cantantem’. Dulciloquiorum libri (n. 1 above), pp. 112–15 [= Confessions X.33.49–50].

  12. 12.

    ACDF, Index, Protocolli AA, fol. 270r: ‘Quare cum liber perniciosus uideatur, et eo magis quo sub nomine S. Augustini uenena haereseos instillat, iudicauerim Catalogo librorum prohibitorum illum esse affigendum.’

  13. 13.

    See respectively I documenti Vaticani del processo di Galileo Galilei (1611–1741), ed. S. Pagano, 2nd edn, Vatican City, 2009, pp. LIII–LIV, 42–4; J.-L. Quantin, ‘Philologie et querelle de la grâce au XVIIe siècle: Sirmond, Valérien de Cimiez et le Saint-Office’, in Amicorum societas. Mélanges offerts à François Dolbeau pour son 65e anniversaire, ed. J. Elfassi et al., Florence, 2013, pp. 699–739 (718). Notice and bibliography in Schwedt, Römische Inquisition (n. 3 above), p. 502.

  14. 14.

    As far as I know, this compilation has never been studied, and I have been unable to trace the manuscript used by Rolichius. But the Dulciloquia also appear in a mid-15th century manuscript from the Charterhouse of Cologne, now in Darmstadt (G. Achten, L. Eizenhöfer and H. Knaus, Die lateinischen Gebetbuchhandschriften der Hessischen Landes- und Hochschulbibliothek Darmstadt, Wiesbaden, 1972, MS 702, p. 84): incipit and explicit are the same, the only difference being a prologue, which Rolichius may well have omitted. The version in MS Vatican City, BAV, Pal. lat. 225, fols 139r–208r, is identical to Rolichius’s edition until fol. 189v (= Dulciloquiorum libri [n. 1 above], p. 161), and then becomes completely different, in including some non-Augustinian materials.

  15. 15.

    Censura (signed ‘Raphael Rastellius Clericus regularis consultor’), ACDF, Index, Protocolli AA, fol. 268r: ‘et propterea ne dicant haeretici, in urbe reprobari doctrinam D. Augustini non censeo hoc opusculum reprobandum’.

  16. 16.

    ACDF, Index, Diari, II, fol. 140r (30 July 1618). See Dulciloquiorum libri (n. 1 above), p. 2; J. M. de Bujanda, Index librorum prohibitorum 1600–1966, Sherbrooke, 2002, p. 781.

  17. 17.

    ACDF, Index, VII.1 (‘Regestum consultorum, ordinariorum, Inquisitorum, Academiarum, Typographorum. Tomus 14’), unnumbered. A detached folio of the same list, dealing with letter F, is in Index, Protocolli SS, fol. 281r-v.

  18. 18.

    This tripartition, instead of the previous division into Protestants and papists, dates from 1576. See D. Paisey, ‘Review article. German Book Fair Catalogues’, The Library, 7th ser., 4, 2003, pp. 417–27 (418).

  19. 19.

    Catalogus uniuersalis pro nundinis Francofurtensibus autumnalibus de anno M.DC.XIII, Frankfurt, 1613, ‘Libri theologici Theologorum Protestantium, Pontificiorum et Calvinianorum’, sig. B1r; Catalogus uniuersalis pro nundinis Francofurtensibus Autumnalibus de Anno 1613, Leipzig, 1613, ‘Libri Cinglianorum’, sig. B2r. There are no subheadings in the Frankfurt edition, but the distinction between confessional groups is marked typographically (‘popish’ titles in italics, between the other two groups in Roman types).

  20. 20.

    See, e.g., Cyprian, Opera…. Editio ultima prioribus emendatior: cui nunc primum accesserunt… Responsiones passim interiectae ad ea quae Pamelius pro dogmatum Pontificiorum confirmatione ex Cypriano et ueteribus Theologis protulit, [Geneva], 1593 (GLN-3607). For Goulart’s patristic translations of the same year (Six paradoxes chrestiens, Extraits des Homelies de sainct Jean Chrysostome…. Plus un traité de l’humilité, prins de S. Basile [GLN-3630]), I. Jostock, ‘Segeln under falscher Flagge: Genfer Druckortangaben im konfessionalen Zeitalter, ca. 1550-1625’, Gutenberg Jahrbuch, 77, 2002, pp. 176–87 (182 n. 39), suggested that the indication ‘A Geneve’ might have been stamped on some copies by the printer himself, for sale in Protestant countries, but close inspection by L. C. Jones, Simon Goulart, 1543–1628. Étude biographique et bibliographique, Geneva and Paris, 1917, rules this out.

  21. 21.

    See, e.g., Cassiodorus, Opera omnia quae extant, Aureliae Allobrogum, 1609; Historiae Ecclesiasticae Scriptores Graeci,… Graecolatine nunc primum editi, Coloniae Allobrogum, 1612.

  22. 22.

    See Jostock, ‘Segeln under falscher Flagge’ (n. 20 above), pp. 183–7; ead., La Censure négociée: le contrôle du livre à Genève, 1560–1625, Geneva, 2007, pp. 306–9, 356–8.

  23. 23.

    John Chrysostom, Orationum Decas Graecolatina, Ioan. Iacobi Beureri… opera et studio Palla pro uiribus expolita, etiam Toga comparata, Basileae, 1585 (F. Hieronymus, Griechischer Geist aus Basler Pressen, no. 408, online at: https://www.ub.unibas.ch/cmsdata/spezialkataloge/gg/). BNF, shelfmark C 2673 has the address ‘Friburgi’.

  24. 24.

    Cardinal Terranova (Simon Tagliavia d’Aragon) to the nuncio in Spain, 20 July 1602, ACDF, Index, V.1 (‘Registrum Litterarum uulgarium et latinarum S. Congregationis Indicis. Ab anno 1582 usque 1602’), fol. 165r: ‘ricordandoli che non presti fede ai Cathalogi di Francfort dove bene spesso malitiosamente tra li protestanti sono inseriti li Catholici, et tra li Catholici li protestanti’; fol. 168r: ‘ricordando a V.S. che alli Cathalogi di Francfort non ci prestar fede, come fatti da heretici’.

  25. 25.

    ACDF, Index, VII.1, unnumbered.

  26. 26.

    Tertullian, Liber de pallio. Claudius Salmasius recensuit, explicauit, notis illustrauit, Paris, 1622. On the publication of Protestant books after the Edict of Nantes, see J.-L. Quantin, ‘Les institutions de censure religieuse en France (XVIe–XVIIe siècles)’, in Hétérodoxies croisées. Catholicismes pluriels entre France et Italie, XVIe–XVIIesiècles, ed. G. Fragnito and A. Tallon, Rome, 2017, pp. 97–194 (191).

  27. 27.

    Catalogus uniuersalis pro nundinis Francofurtensibus uernalibus, de anno 1605, Frankfurt, sig. A3r (I was unable to check the Leipzig edition); Arnobius, Disputationum aduersus gentes libri septem. M. Minucii Felicis Octavius…. Desiderii Heraldi ad Arnobii libros VII. Animaduersiones, et castigationes, Paris, 1605.

  28. 28.

    Catalogus uniuersalis pro nundinis Francofurtensibus autumnalibus de anno M.DC.XIII, Frankfurt, 1613, sigs A3v, B2r (this is also the case of the Leipzig edition: Catalogus uniuersalis pro nundinis Francofurtensibus autumnalibus de anno 1613, Leipzig, 1613, sigs A4r, B3r); Leo the Great, Maximus of Turin and Peter Chrysologus, Opera omnia quae reperiri potuerunt, Paris, 1614. As far as Leo was concerned, this Parisian edition reproduced the Louvain edition of 1575, prepared by the Canons regular of Val-Saint-Martin, with some additions, especially three sermons from a manuscript of the Catholic scholar Nicolas Le Fèvre, who had been Baronius’s main French collaborator. See P. Verbraken, ‘Le manuscrit latin 1771 de la Bibliothèque Nationale de Paris et ses sermons augustiniens’, Revue Bénédictine, 78, 1968, pp. 67–81; A. Chavasse, ‘Composition et date des recueils anciens passés dans la seconde partie du Parisinus lat. 1771’, ibid., pp. 82–6.

  29. 29.

    Cardinal Arrigoni to the inquisitor of Modena, 22 December 1611, in A. Rotondò, ‘Nuovi documenti per la storia dell’ “Indice dei libri proibiti” (1572-1638)’, Rinascimento, 2nd ser., 3, 1963, pp. 145–211 (191): ‘con gli stessi caratteri, carta, e forma come si stampano in Lione, Parigi et Anversa et altre città de’ cattolici, ponendo in principio de i libri nomi di stampatori et città catoliche e tuttavia in tali libri si contengono molte heresie et errori’.

  30. 30.

    P. Petitmengin, ‘De adulteratis Patrum editionibus: La critique des textes au service de l'orthodoxie’, in Les Pères de l’Église au XVIIe siècle, ed. E. Bury and B. Meunier, Paris, 1993, pp. 17–31; J.-L. Quantin, ‘Philologie et théologie: les textes patristiques dans les controverses religieuses (xvie-xviie siècles)’, Studia Borromaica, 21, 2007, pp. 93–128.

  31. 31.

    Minutes of the visitation of bookshops in Toulouse by the vicar general and the Inquisitor, 7–8 November 1619, transcribed by the Archivio dei filosofi del Rinascimento, Archivio Giulio Cesare Vanini, document no. 198, http://www.iliesi.cnr.it/AGCV/documenti/doc198.php: ‘les livres, de rebus sacris, des anciens Peres de l’Eglise,… qui se trouveront imprimés a Geneve ou aureliae allobrogum, ou autre nom suppozé, estant necessaires de veriffier, si les dicts livres auront este vitiés ou corrompus’.

  32. 32.

    Ibid.: ‘Gregorii Nazianzenii opera a Geneve, supposé Antuerpiae’. On 11 November 1619, it was decided that the book would be examined for possible corruptions (ibid., no. 199). It is not mentioned in the subsequent lists of books either given back to booksellers or condemned to be burnt (nos 200–205). Unless there was a Genevan reprint which has so far escaped bibliographers, the edition in question must be Gregory of Nazianzus, Opera, 2 vols, Antuerpiae, apud Ioannem Keerbergium, 1612 (bearing Keerberghen’s mark of the golden sun), a reproduction of the Latin part of the Paris edition of 1609–1611. It definitely originated from Antwerp, where Jan van Keerberghen specialized in piracies of this kind, not Geneva: see its description in the Short Title Catalogue Vlaanderen, at http://anet.be/record/stcv/stcvopac/c:stcv:6627687/N.

  33. 33.

    Laurence Humphrey, Iesuitismi pars secunda, London, 1584, p. 652: ‘Quotidie labores sumunt Protestantes, et tamen licet Ecclesiae Dei in Patrum monumentis publicandis quotidie prodesse studeant, Pontificiis tamen placere nunquam possunt.’ In addition to his own considerable work in the 1550s (on which see n. 102 below), he mentioned the 1571 new edition of Origen by Johann Jacob Grynaeus, ‘non sine accessione’. See also Richard Holdsworth’s indignant protest, Praelectiones Theologicae, habitae in Collegio Greshamensi apud Londinenses, London, 1661, p. 335, against Antonio Possevino’s claim (Bibliotheca selecta, Venice, 1603, I, l. V, p. 232) that Protestants never explained the Fathers in their schools ‘nec libenter, aut incorrupte umquam eos ediderunt in lucem’.

  34. 34.

    Antonio Possevino, Apparatus sacer, 3 vols, Venice, 1603–1606, III, appendix, sep. paginated, p. 150: ‘Iudicium, et cautio de Ecloga, siue de Catalogis Oxonio-Cantabrigiensibus Londini editis’; Thomas James, A Treatise of the Corruption of Scripture, Councels, and Fathers, by the Prelats, Pastors, and Pillars of the Church of Rome, for maintenance of Popery and irreligion, London, 1611, 5th part, pp. 22–3.

  35. 35.

    See nn. 68 and 85 below. See also H. Fouqueray, Histoire de la Compagnie de Jésus en France des origines à la suppression (1528-1762), II, Paris, 1913, pp. 396–406, 430; Les établissements des jésuites en France depuis quatre siècles, ed. P. Delattre, Enghien, 1940–1957, I, cols 740–41; III, cols 1136–7; E. Nelson, The Jesuits and the Monarchy. Catholic Reform and Political Authority in France (1590-1615), Aldershot, 2005, pp. 53, 64.

  36. 36.

    Commodian, Instructiones per literas uersuum primas tempore Silvestri P. R. sub Constantino Caes. compositae. Nunc primum typis mandatae, Toul, 1649; id., Instructiones aduersus Gentium Deos. Pro Christiana disciplina. Tempore Silvestri P. R. sub Constantino Caes. compositae. Nunc primum typis mandatae, Toul, 1650 (this is not another issue with a different title-page, but a different book). Only the second edition is registered in Répertoire bibliographique des livres imprimés en France au XVIIesiècle, 10. Lorraine-Trois Évêchés, Baden-Baden, 1984, pp. 230–31, no. 104. The printers, Simon Belgrand and Jean Laurent, had published other works by Rigault (ibid., pp. 229–30, nos 93 and 97); they also enjoyed the lucrative position of official printers to the Parlement (see ibid., pp. 227-33 passim; A. Ronsin, Les Périodiques lorrains antérieurs à 1800: histoire et catalogue, Nancy, 1964, p. 18). See letter of Nicolas Rigault to the Dupuy brothers, from Toul, 3 April 1650, in Correspondance de Bossuet, ed. C. Urbain and E. Levesque, 15 vols, Paris, 1909–25, I, pp. 415–18, with editors’ notes. On Rigault as a scholar, see I. A. R. de Smet, ‘Rigault (Nicolas)’, in Centuriae Latinae II. Cent une figures humanistes de la Renaissance aux Lumières. À la mémoire de Marie-Madeleine de La Garanderie, ed. C. Nativel, Geneva, 2006, pp. 727–33; S. Balayé, La Bibliothèque Nationale des origines à 1800, Geneva, 1988, pp. 58–60. On his official career in Lorraine, see C. Petry, ‘Faire des sujets du roi’: Rechtspolitik in Metz, Toul und Verdun unter französischer Herrschaft (1552–1648), Munich, 2006, ad indicem. 1649–1650 were of course years of civil war in France (the Fronde), which may have been a factor. The edition was based on a manuscript from the Abbey of Saint-Aubin in Angers, which had been transcribed by the Parisian Jesuit Jacques Sirmond (J. Martin, ‘Commodianus’, Traditio, 13, 1957, pp. 1–71 (1–2); Commodian, Instructiones, ed. A. Salvatore, I.1, Naples, 1965, pp. 8–9).

  37. 37.

    Amphilochius of Iconium, De studiis recte formandis epistola Graeca: nunc primum post annos MCCXL. e ueteri codice manuscripto in lucem prolata, et eodem genere carminis Latine reddita, breuibusque insuper notis illustrata, a M. Ioachimo Zehnero, Schleusingen, 1609, p. 4: ‘quod ea professioni meae accommodatiora existimaret’. On Seber, Zehner and Greek manuscripts in Schleusingen, see C. Wendel, ‘Die griechischen Handschriften der Provinz Sachsen’, Aufsaetze Fritz Milkau gewidmet, Leipzig, 1921, pp. 354–78 (362–7); on the Schleusingen Gymnasium, see E. Henning, Die gefürstete Grafschaft Henneberg-Schleusingen im Zeitalter der Reformation, Cologne, 1981, p. 198; on the printer, Sebastian Schmuck, see Reske, Die Buchdrucker (n. 1 above), p. 897. The county had lost its independence in 1583 and, until they could agree to divide it, was administered jointly by the two branches of the house of Saxony. See E. Zickgraf, Die gefürstete Grafschaft Henneberg-Schleusingen: Geschichte des Territoriums und seiner Organisation, Marburg, 1944, pp. 127–8; G. Köbler, Historisches Lexikon der Deutschen Länder: die deutschen Territorien vom Mittelalter bis zur Gegenwart, 7th edn, Munich, 2007, s.v. ‘Henneberg (Grafschaft)’. Zehner’s edition is dedicated to Johann Ernst, duke of Saxe-Eisenach, of the Ernestine branch. His posthumous edition of Pseudo-Epiphanius’s De Prophetarum uita et obitu (CPG 3777) was again printed by Schmuck, but ‘sumtibus Thomae Schüreri’, an important Leipzig bookseller; Zehner’s widow and children dedicated it (to hedge their bets?) to the Elector of Saxony John George I, of the Albertine branch: Diui Epiphanii (ut uulgo nominatur) liber de uitis prophetarum, Graece, Schleusingen, 1612. It must have enjoyed some circulation, since it was fiercely attacked by the Jesuit Denis Petau in his own edition of Epiphanius, Opera omnia, Paris, 1622, II, fol. a2r–v.

  38. 38.

    For examples, see P. Petitmengin, ‘Le match Bâle-Paris au XVIe siècle. Éditions princeps, éditions revues des Pères latins’, in ‘Editiones principes’ delle opere dei Padri greci e latini, ed. M. Cortesi, Florence, 2006, pp. 3–39 (6–7); J.-L. Quantin, ‘Du Chrysostome latin au Chrysostome grec. Une histoire européenne (1588-1613)’, in Chrysostomosbilder in 1600 Jahren: Facetten der Wirkungsgeschichte eines Kirchenvaters, ed. M. Wallraff and R. Brändle, Berlin, 2008, pp. 267–346 (270–71, 307).

  39. 39.

    Plantin to Ioannes Livineius, Antwerp, 24 April 1573, in Correspondance de Christophe Plantin, ed. M. Rooses and J. Denucé, 8 vols, Antwerp and The Hague, 1883–1918, III, p. 331: ‘Doctorum etenim theologorum antiquorum opera integra emi solent a theologis, eorum uero superata [sic] opuscula prorsus negligi.’ See, e.g., the series of patristic editions bought by the Cologne divine Arnold Meshov during his studies for the licence in 1620–1621, A. Meshov, ‘Beiträge zur Kölnischen Chronik’, ed. F. W. Lohmann, Jahrbuch des Kölnischen Geschichtsvereins, 22, 1940, pp. 38–272 (191–8).

  40. 40.

    See now the exemplary study by W. Poole, John Fell’s New Year Books 1666–1686, Oxford, 2018.

  41. 41.

    J. F. McDiarmid, ‘John Cheke’s Preface to De Superstitione’, Journal of Ecclesiastical History, 48, 1997, pp. 100–20; S. Gysens, ‘Les traductions latines du Liber asceticus (CPG 7692) de saint Maxime le Confesseur’, Augustiniana, 46, 1996, p. 311–38 (325–8); Maximus the Confessor, Liber asceticus, ed. P. Van Deun and S. Gysens, CCSG 40, Turnhout, 2000, pp. 209–37.

  42. 42.

    See ‘Catalogus omnium Erasmi lucubrationum’, in Desiderius Erasmus, Opus epistolarum…, ed. P. S. Allen et al., 12 vols, Oxford, 1906–58, I, p. 8, with Allen’s note; H. W. Garrod, ‘Erasmus and His English Patrons’, The Library, 5th ser., 4, 1949–50, pp. 1-13; E. H. Miller, ‘New Year’s Day Gift Books in the Sixteenth Century’, Studies in Bibliography, 15, 1962, pp. 233–41; Conrad Rittershusius’s dedication (dated 31 December 1612) of Amphilochius, De recta studiorum ac uitae ratione Epistola ad Seleucum, Altdorf, 1613, sig. 1v: ‘ut strenam haberem, qua meo more amicos φιλοτοιούτους munerarer’; J.-L. Quantin, ‘Sirleto, le concile de Trente et Jean Chrysostome’, in Il ‘sapientissimo Calabro’. Guglielmo Sirleto nel V centenario della nascita (1514-2014): Problemi, ricerche, prospettive, ed. B. Clausi and S. Lucà, Rome, 2018, pp. 293–337 (296–7).

  43. 43.

    See J.-L. Quantin, ‘L’Augustin du XVIIe siècle? Questions de corpus et de canon’, in Augustin au XVIIesiècle, Florence, 2007, pp. 9–10.

  44. 44.

    John Chrysostom, Opera… quotquot per Graecorum exemplarium facultatem in Latinam linguam hactenus traduci potuerunt, Basel, 1547, I, sig. a2r (emphasizing the rivalry in the field between French, Italians, and Germans). See P. Petitmengin, ‘Gelenius (Sigismundus)’, in Centuriae Latinae II. Cent une figures humanistes de la Renaissance aux Lumières. À la mémoire de Marie-Madeleine de La Garanderie, ed. C. Nativel, Geneva, 2006, pp. 337–51 (349, no. T2).

  45. 45.

    Plantin to Nicolas Oudaert, 18 July 1586, in Correspondance (n. 39 above), VIII–IX, no. 1119, p. 9: ‘ut pagina paginae, linea lineae uerba uerbis (nisi quod paucis erratis nostris typographicis decuplo plura adiecerint) respondeant ne scilicet cogerentur facere sumptus in mutandis numeris paginarum in Indice’. See also Henricus Gravius to Baronius, 17 May 1588, in Caesar Baronius, Epistolae et opuscula, ed. Raimondo Alberici, 3 vols, Rome, 1759–1770, III, pp. 154–5. Changing page numbers was not an insignificant expense: when he reprinted the Roman edition of Jerome’s Opera omnia in 1578–9, Plantin paid two correctors 84 florins for the job (L. Voet, with J. Voet-Grisolle, The Plantin Press (1555–1589): A Bibliography of the Works Printed and Published by Christopher Plantin at Antwerp and Leiden, 6 vols, Amsterdam, 1980–1983, III, p. 1131); see also n. 51 below.

  46. 46.

    Augustine, Opera, tomis decem comprehensa: per Theologos Louanienses ex manuscriptis codicibus multo labore emendata, et ab innumeris erroribus uindicata …. Additis nonnullis aliis homiliis Lutetiae nunc primum editis, 10 vols, Paris, 1586, X, pp. 355–78 (sic for 755–78). See A. Wilmart, ‘La collection des 38 homélies latines de saint Jean Chrysostome’, Journal of Theological Studies, 19, 1917–1918, pp. 305–27 (312 n. 1); P.-P. Verbraken, Études critiques sur les sermons authentiques de saint Augustin, Steenbrugge, 1976, pp. 202–3; Augustine, Vingt-six sermons au peuple d’Afrique, ed. F. Dolbeau, Paris, 1996, pp. 10–11; J.-L. Quantin, ‘Baronius et les sources d’au-delà des monts: la contribution française aux Annales’, in Baronio e le sue fonti, ed. L. Gulia, Sora, 2009, pp. 51–101 (90 n. 115).

  47. 47.

    John Chrysostom, Opera, quatenus in hunc diem latio donata noscuntur, omnia, cum ad collationem Latinorum codicum mirae antiquitatis, tum ad Graecorum exemplarium fidem innumeris pene locis natiuae integritati restituta, uix ulli aestimandis laboribus uirorum linguae utriusque insigniter callentium: in quinque tomos digesta, Venice, 1548–9.

  48. 48.

    Ibid., I, fols 145v–279r, with Hervet’s dedication to Cardinal Cervini, dated 1 February 1549. The text was also published as a separate volume: John Chrysostom, Vere aureae in Psalmos Homiliae, quibus nihil nec eloquentius, nec ad Christianam uitam instituendam aptius dici aut fingi potest…. Gentiano Herveto Aurelio interprete, Venice, 1549. See G. Mercati, Alla ricerca dei nomi degli ‘altri’ traduttori nelle omilie sui salmi di S. Giovanni Crisostomo e variazioni su alcune catene del Salterio, Vatican City, 1952, pp. 16–19, 37–46; E. Barbieri, ‘La tipografia dei fratelli Brucioli, l’attività editoriale di Antonio e il Cabasilas di Gentien Hervet’, in Antonio Brucioli: humanisme et évangélisme entre Réforme et Contre-Réforme, ed. E. Boillet, Paris, 2008, pp. 53–76 (67). On the printer who used the mark ‘al segno de la Speranza’, see E. Barbieri, recension of C. Di Filippo Bareggi, Il mestiere di scrivere: lavoro intellettuale e mercato librario a Venezia nel Cinquecento, Rome, 1988, in Aevum 64, 1990, pp. 591–6 (595), with references; P. Sachet, ‘La Chiesa davanti ai Padri: Erasmo, gli umanisti riformati e la patristica cattolica romana tra Rinascimento e Controriforma’, Rivista di Storia e Letteratura religiosa, 54, 2018, pp. 389–419 (404 n. 58).

  49. 49.

    John Chrysostom, In partem multo meliorem Dauidici Psalterii Homiliae, quas omneis priua recognitione, et marginariis annotatiunculis, ceu stellulis illustrauit Godefridus Tilmannus Cartusiae Parisiensis monachus. Accessit Corollarium non aspernabile, Paris, 1550 (new additions in the ‘Secunda recognitio et editio cum accessione’, Paris, 1554); id., Aureae in Psalmos Dauidicos Enarrationes, Gentiano Herveto Aurelio interprete, Antwerp, 1552. See La France des humanistes. Hellénistes, I, Turnhout 1999, pp. 532–6, 541.

  50. 50.

    John Chrysostom, Opera, quatenus in hunc diem Latio donata noscuntur, omnia…, Venice, 1574. For the six different addresses at which the volumes were issued, see EDIT 16 online, CNCE 27441, 31709, 39346, 40411, 41480, 51423; Barbieri, ‘La tipografia’ (n. 48 above), p. 67.

  51. 51.

    Compare Index omnium quae insigniter a D. Aurelio Augustino dicta sunt, nunc recens supra praecedentes aeditiones, per F. Florentium Bourgoinum Parisiensem, Franciscanum, longe quam antea auctior, ac locupletior redditus. Insuper multa quae erant manca, mutila, et solum inchoata, tam in indice authoritatum sacrae scripturae, id est, ueteris ac noui instrumenti, quam in locis aliquot sacrarum scripturarum pugnantibus conciliatis in Augustino, reformata, aucta, et repurgata sunt, Venice, 1552 (a perfect copy of the index of Paris, 1541, since that edition had been reproduced page for page), and Index omnium quae insigniter a D. Aurelio Augustino dicta sunt…, Venice, 1570 (the title is identical except for the omission of Bourgoin’s name). The 1570 printers had the page numbers corrected for the first eight volumes, but, because of lack of time or money, left unchanged the references to volumes IX and X. Even the table of contents for both these volumes reproduced those of 1550–52, with page numbers completely wrong. The Venetian edition was again published at six different addresses (EDIT 16, CNCE 3433–8).

  52. 52.

    Augustine, Omnium operum, tomus primus. Cui accesserunt libri, Epistolae, sermones, et fragmenta aliquot, hactenus nunquam impressa. In quo, praeter locorum multorum restitutionem, secundum collationem uetustiorum exemplarium: curauimus remoueri ea omnia, quae fidelium mentes, haeretica prauitate possent inficere, aut a catholica, et orthodoxa fide deuiare. Additus est et Index, caeteris omnibus et locupletior, et copiosior. Nunc recens impressus, recognitus, et emendatus, Venice, 1570. Compare the title of the edition of 1552 (which exactly reproduced that of Paris, 1541): id., Omnium operum primus tomus, ad fidem uetustissimorum exemplarium summa uigilantia repurgatorum a mendis innumeris, notata in contextu et margine suis signis ueterum exemplorum lectione, ut optimo iure tantus Ecclesiae doctor renatus uideri possit. Inspice lector, et fateberis hanc non uanam esse pollicitationem: quod si gratus etiam esse uoles, non patieris tantum laboris, tantumque impensarum frustra sumptum esse. Cui accesserunt libri, epistolae, sermones, et fragmenta aliquot, hactenus nunquam impressa. Additus est et index, multo quam Basiliensis fuerat, copiosior.

  53. 53.

    Opera (1570), I, sig. A2r–v.

  54. 54.

    For Erasmus’s censurae, compare, e.g., Opera (1552), I, fols 14v–15r, and Opera (1570), I, fol. 28r; for Vives’s commentary, see vol. V of both editions. In his dedication Nicolini claimed that he had Augustine’s works revised and collated on ancient manuscripts ‘a sacrae Theologiae professoribus’, but this was another impudent lie.

  55. 55.

    See, e.g., Jeremy Taylor, The Second Part of the Dissuasive from Popery, London, 1667, p. 195; François Turrettini, De necessaria secessione nostra ab Ecclesia romana et impossibili cum eo syncretismo, disputationes, Geneva, 1687, pp. 130–31; L. F. Bungener, Histoire du concile de Trente, Paris, 1847, I, p. 128 n. 1; M. Boegner, Écriture sainte et Tradition, Paris, [1936], p. 24. Taylor only mentions ‘the Edition of S. Austin, at Venice’, without specifying the date; the others refer to the reprint of 1584 (see n. 57 below).

  56. 56.

    See David Clement, Bibliothèque curieuse historique et critique, ou Catalogue raisonné de livres difficiles à trouver, II, Göttingen, 1751, pp. 265–73; Karl Schoenemann, Bibliotheca historico-literaria Patrum Latinorum, II, Leipzig, 1794, pp. 125–30, 137.

  57. 57.

    Augustine, Omnium operum primus tomus. Cui accesserunt libri, epistolae, sermones, et fragmenta aliquot, hactenus nunquam impressa. In quo, praeter locorum multorum restitutionem, secundum collationem uetustiorum exemplarium: curauimus remoueri ea omnia, quae fidelium mentes, haeretica prauitate possent inficere, aut a catholica, et orthodoxa fide deuiare, Venice, 1584. The volumes are identical to those of 1570 (including the faulty index), except for the suppression of Nicolini’s dedication, but have been reset. There were again six different imprints (EDIT 16, CNCE 3445–50): most of the partners had already shared in the 1570 edition, but Nicolini was replaced by Damiano Zenaro who, ironically, had been one of the booksellers warned by the Inquisition in 1571 about selling prohibited books. See P. F. Grendler, The Roman Inquisition and the Venetian Press, 1540–1605, Princeton, 1977, p. 167 n. 15.

  58. 58.

    J. de Ghellinck, ‘Une édition patristique célèbre’, in id., Patristique et Moyen Âge. Études d’histoire littéraire et doctrinale, III, Gembloux, 1948, p. 402: ‘Dès 1584, les volumes sont reproduits “apud Juntas”, à Venise toujours à l’affût des bons ouvrages, pour les répandre réimprimés dans le monde au moyen de sa flotte marchande.’

  59. 59.

    Quantin, ‘Du Chrysostome latin’ (n. 38 above), pp. 294–5, 296–9 (with references).

  60. 60.

    Maximus the Confessor, Opera, ed. François Combefis, I, Paris, 1675, sigs *6v–**3v; undated letter of Combefis to Pierre-Daniel Huet, in Lettres inédites de quelques hommes célèbres de l’Agenais, ed. P. Tamizey de Larroque, Agen and Paris, 1893, pp. 101–2.

  61. 61.

    Truchseß to Sirleto, 15 July 1564, MS Vatican City, BAV, Vat. lat. 6189 (1), fol. 217r. See Otto Bucher, ‘Sebald Mayer, der erste Dillinger Buchdrucker (1550–1576)’, Jahrbuch des Historischen Vereins Dillingen, 54, 1952, pp. 107–29; Reske, Die Buchdrucker (n. 1 above), p. 165–6; É. Decrept, ‘Un épisode de la Réforme: la course à l’édition princeps des Lettres ignatiennes’, Revue d’histoire et de philosophie religieuses, 82, 2002, pp. 401–16.

  62. 62.

    Truchseß to Sirleto, 7 August 1567, MS Vatican City, BAV, Vat. lat. 6189 (2), fol. 406r.

  63. 63.

    This is a recurring theme, for instance, in the correspondence of Leone Allacci with the Parisian Dominicans Jacques Goar and François Combefis in the 1650s and 1660s (see Allacci’s letters, MS Paris, BNF, Latin 17915).

  64. 64.

    Pfaff to Le Nourry, 11 February 1711, MS Paris, BNF, Français 19648, fol. 17v (partly published in P. Batiffol, ‘Le Cas de Pfaff d’après des pièces nouvelles’, Bulletin de littérature ecclésiastique [1901], 189–200 [191]): ‘Non est ulla Taurini libros imprimendi copia; adeo possidet terras hasce incondita barbaries.’

  65. 65.

    Lactantius, Epitome institutionum diuinarum ad Pentadium fratrem…. Ex antiquissimo Bibliothecae regiae Taurinensis codice eruit, recensuit, lucique publicae dedit, atque etiam Dissertatione praeliminari illustrauit Christophorus Matthaeus Pfaffius, Paris, 1712, ‘Dissertatio’, sep. paginated, p. 62; E. Heck, ‘“Du sollst nicht zitieren aus zweiter Hand”: Entdeckung und frühe Benutzung des Turiner Codex der lactanzischen Epitome divinarum institutionum’, Philologus, 137, 1993, pp. 110–21; Pfaff to Le Nourry, 11 February, 25 April, 29 April, 4 June, 18 July, 26 December 1711, 22 August 1712, MS Paris, BNF, Français 19648, fols 15r–26r, 36r–37v. On the licensing process, see letter of 4 June 1711, fol. 36r; ‘Registre des ouvrages présentés à Monseigneur le Chancelier’, MS Paris, BNF Français 21942, p. 87 no. 491.

  66. 66.

    See I. Backus, La Patristique et les guerres de religion en France. Étude de l’activité littéraire de Jacques de Billy (1535–1581) O.S.B., d’après le MS. Sens 167 et les sources imprimées, Paris, 1993, pp. 102–3, 111–16, 124–8, 137–43; S. Gysens, ‘Literatorum Galliae decus dulcissimum… Un échange de lettres entre Dom de Billy et Gerardus Vossius (1580-1581)’, Revue Bénédictine, 108, 1998, pp. 331–59; R. Palla, ‘Tra filologia e motivi confessionali: edizioni e traduzioni latine di Gregorio Nazianzeno dal 1569 al 1583’, in I Padri sotto il torchio. Le edizioni dell’antichità christiana nei secoli XV-XVI, Florence, 2002, ed. M. Cortesi, pp. 167–88; C. Crimi, ‘Nazianzenica XX. Sopra un codice vaticano perduto e un Sirleti liber utilizzato da Jacques de Billy’, Bizantinistica, 2nd ser., 16, 2014–15, pp. 349–59.

  67. 67.

    Giovani Battista Mari to Sirmond, 26 August 1646, MS London, BL, Add. MS 22037, fol. 41r (‘poiche quelle cose haranno applauso, e li sermoni non pare che si stimano molto’); Augustine, Sermo in natali S. Ioannis Baptistae nunc primum in lucem editus, ed. Giovanni Battista Mari, Rome, 1647; Augustine, Operum omnium ante annum M.DC.XIV. tam Basileae quam Lutetiae, Antuerpiae, Lugduni et Venetiis editorum Supplementum…. Hieronymus Vignier… ex optimae fidei et bonae antiquitatis codicibus MSS. eruit, 2 vols, Paris, 1654, I, pp. 398–403; P. Petitmengin, ‘A propos des éditions patristiques de la Contre-Réforme: le “Saint Augustin” de la Typographie Vaticane’, Recherches Augustiniennes, 4, 1966, pp. 199–251 (237–40); J.-L. Quantin, ‘Histoires de la grâce: “Semi-pélagiens” et “prédestinatiens” dans l’érudition ecclésiastique du XVIIe siècle’, in Europäische Geschichtskulturen um 1700 zwischen Gelehrsamkeit, Politik und Konfession, ed. T. Wallnig et al., Berlin, 2012, pp. 327–59 (351–2).

  68. 68.

    P. Petitmengin, ‘Les éditions patristiques de la Contre-Réforme romaine’, in I Padri sotto il torchio (n. 66 above), pp. 3–31 (14). The appendix includes a useful list (up to 1620), both of Roman editions and of editions published elsewhere with help from Rome. For additional instances, see John Chrysostom, Tractatuum decas de diuersis Noui Testamenti locis, ed. and transl. Fronton du Duc, Bordeaux, 1604; Basil, Bishop of Seleucia, De uita ac miraculis D. Theclae Virginis Martyris Iconiensis libri duo…, ed. and transl. Pierre Pantin, Antwerp, 1608 (see p. 224).

  69. 69.

    Gerardus Joannes Vossius to Meric Casaubon, 13 January 1642, in Gerardi Joann. Vossii et clarorum virorum ad eum epistolae, ed. Paul Colomiès, London, 1690, no. 435, p. 390: ‘Filius meus Isaacus… iam e Galliis Italiam cogitat, ut uarias lustret Bibliothecas et exscribendo ἀνέκδοτα, ubi facultas dabitur, possit melius postea mereri de Republica Literaria.’ On this Italian journey, see F. F. Blok, Isaac Vossius and His Circle. His Life until His Farewell to Queen Christina of Sweden, 1618–1655, Groningen, 2000, pp. 123–73. On Persio Falconcini, who signed Isaac’s permit to work in the Laurenziana and whom Blok, p. 125, failed to identify, see Le Opere di Galileo Galilei, Edizione nazionale, ed. A. Favaro, XX, Florence, 1909, p. 439.

  70. 70.

    Isaac Vossius to Gerardus Joannes Vossius, 7 March 1643 [sic for 1642], 28 March 1642, 3rd May [1642], MSS Amsterdam, University Library, RK J 90 e, J 91 g, J 90 f (‘Ante horulam ferme Bibliothecae huic postremum uale dixi. Aeger sum animo ex quo tam caram amicam reliqui, quam nunquam posthac uisurus sum, nunquam’). On Isaac’s journey as a quest for glory, see Claude Sarrau to Isaac Vossius, 30 June 1642, in Marquardi Gudii et doctorum uirorum ad eum epistolae… et Claudii Sarrauii Senatoris Parisiensis epistolae ex eadem bibliotheca auctiores, ed. Pieter Burman, Utrecht, 1697, 2nd pagination, p. 42: ‘Obuiis peregrinantes consulere humanum est: eosdem uirtutis ergo orbem pererrantes, et magno passu ad immortalem famam tendentes debent omnes boni et graues fouere…. Quam aeternae gloriae in Laurentiana, Marciana, Vaticana bibliothecis luculentam messem collegisti sedulus reconde: ut te reuersum amplectamur et suspiciamus, dum hactenus ignotis et intactis thesauris nos ditabis’; J.-L. Quantin, ‘L’orthodoxie, la censure et la gloire. La difficile édition princeps de l’épître de Barnabé, de Rome à Amsterdam (1549-1646)’, in ‘Editiones principes’ (n. 38 above), pp. 103–62 (155–6).

  71. 71.

    Ignatius of Antioch, Epistolae genuinae…; quae nunc primum lucem uident ex bibliotheca Florentina, Amsterdam, 1646; Blok, Vossius (n. 69 above), pp. 133–4, 208–13.

  72. 72.

    See the classic study by A. Momigliano, ‘Mabillon’s Italian Disciples’, in id., Terzo contributo alla storia degli studi classici e del mondo antico, Rome, 1966, pp. 135–52.

  73. 73.

    F. Waquet, Le modèle français et l’Italie savante. Conscience de soi et perception de l’autre dans la République des lettres (1660–1750), Rome, 1989, pp. 390–97; ead., ‘La communication des livres dans les bibliothèques d’Ancien Régime’, in Le Livre et l’Historien. Études offertes en l’honneur du professeur Henri-Jean Martin, Geneva, 1997, pp. 371–80.

  74. 74.

    See B. Neveu, ‘Paris capitale de la République des Lettres et le De re diplomatica de Mabillon’, Annuaire-Bulletin de la Société de l’Histoire de France, 1981–2, pp. 29–50 (45–8 on ‘cette entreprise de colonisation’); Waquet, Modèle français (n. 73 above), pp. 323–32.

  75. 75.

    C. Graux, Essai sur les origines du fonds grec de l’Escurial: Épisode de l’histoire de la Renaissance des lettres en Espagne, Paris, 1880, pp. 130–6; G. Antolín, ‘La libreria de D. Pedro Ponce de León, obispo de Plasencia’, Revista de Archivos, Bibliotecas y Museos, 3rd ser., 20, January–June 1909, pp. 371–400; G. de Andrés, ‘Carta de Pedro Ponce de León, obispo de Plasencia, a Felipe II, sobre las reliquias y librerías de su obispado y sus actividades literarias’, Revista de Estudios Extremeños, 23, 1967, pp. 5–21.

  76. 76.

    Graux, Essai (n. 75 above), pp. 163–273; ‘La Biblioteca de Don Diego Hurtado de Mendoza (1576)’, in Documentos para la historia del Monasterio de San Lorenzo el Real de El Escorial, VII, ed. G. de Andrés, Madrid, 1964, pp. 237–323.

  77. 77.

    Zacharias Scholasticus, Dialogus Ammonius, quod mundus non sit Deo coaeternus, a Gentiano Herueto Aurelio latine uersus, Venice, 1546, dedication to Mendoza, fols 2r-3v (extract in Graux, Essai [n. 75 above], p. 407). For other instances of Roman Catholic use of Mendoza’s manuscripts during the first sessions of the council of Trent, see A. Duval, ‘La Summa conciliorum de Barthélemy Carranza’, Revue des sciences philosophiques et théologiques, 41, 1957, pp. 401–27 (402–3, 415–16).

  78. 78.

    The Greek text was edited by the Zurich schoolmaster Johannes Fries, at the end of Conrad Gessner’s edition of two Byzantine compilations, the Loci communes of Antonius Melissa and Pseudo-Maximus (Ἐν τῇ παρούσῃ βίβλῳ ἔνεστι τάδε…. Hoc uolumine continentur. Sententiarum siue capitum, theologicorum praecipue, ex sacris et profanis libris, Tomi tres, per Antonium et Maximum monachos olim collecti…. Theophili sexti Antiochensis episcopi De Deo et fide Christianorum contra Gentes Institutionum libri tres ad Autolycum. Tatiani Assyrii, Iustini Martyris discipuli, Oratio contra Graecos, Zurich, 1546, pp. 244–91). Anti-Catholicism reached extreme levels in the Latin companion volume (with the same Latin title, Zurich, 1546): in his dedication, the translator of Theophilus, Konrad Klauser, wished papists ‘to burst open in the middle and pour out their wicked entrails with Judas’ (pp. 303–4). See Graux, Essai (n. 75 above), pp. 173, 244–5; B. R. Jenny, ‘Arlenius in Basel’, Basler Zeitschrift für Geschichte und Altertumskunde, 64, 1964, pp. 5–45 (18–19); R. M. Grant, ‘The Textual Tradition of Theophilus of Antioch’, Vigiliae Christianae, 6, 1952, p. 146–59 (152–4); J. M. de Bujanda, Index des livres interdits, V. Index de l’Inquisition espagnole, 1551, 1554, 1559, Sherbrooke and Geneva, 1984, pp. 271–2.

  79. 79.

    Isidore of Seville, Opera. Philippi II. Cathol. Regis iussu e uetustis exemplaribus emendata, Madrid, 1599. On the preparation of the edition, see ‘Diurnal de Antonio Gracián, secretario de Felipe II’, ed. G. de Andrés, in Documentos para la historia del Monasterio de San Lorenzo el Real de El Escorial, V, Madrid, 1962, p. 10 and passim; G. de Andrés, ‘Viaje del humanista Alvar Gómez de Castro a Plasencia en busca de códices de obras de S. Isidoro para Felipe II (1572)’, in Homenaje a Don Agustín Millares Carlo, I, Madrid, 1975, pp. 607–21; id., ‘El helenismo del canónigo toledano Antonio de Covarrubias. Un capítulo del humanismo en Toledo en el s. XVI’, Hispania sacra, 40, 1988, pp. 237–313 (250–2, 260–61, 310–11); A. Dávila Pérez and G. Lazure, ‘Un catálogo de las obras de Isidro de Sevilla conservadas en diversas bibliotecas españolas del siglo XVI’, Excerpta Philologica, 10–12, 2000, pp. 267–90; B. Taylor, ‘Gothic Revival: The 1599 Opera of St Isidore’, in Manuscripts, Texts and Transmission from Isidore to the Enlightenment, ed. D. Hook, Bristol, 2006, pp. 131–46.

  80. 80.

    Juan de Mariana, ‘Advertencias sobre lo que está impreso de las Etymologias de Sant Isidoro’, published by C. Codoñer, Faventia, 31, 2009, pp. 213–25 (215–16); on Mariana’s share of the edition, see Taylor, ‘Gothic Revival’ (n. 79 above), pp. 140–4.

  81. 81.

    See J. Delgado Casado, Diccionario de impresores españoles (siglos XV–XVII), Madrid, 1996, I, s.v. ‘Imprenta Real’, pp. 342–4.

  82. 82.

    On his contribution to the edition of Isidore, see Taylor, ‘Gothic Revival’ (n. 79 above), pp. 136, 142–4. For his assistance on the 1583 Parisian edition of Julian’s Opera, see J. Bidez, La Tradition manuscrite et les éditions des discours de l’empereur Julien, Ghent and Paris, 1929, p. 111; it is likely that there were other instances.

  83. 83.

    Homiliae IIII. SS. Patrum episcoporum Methodii, Athanasii, Amphilochii, Ioan. Chrysostomi, nunc primum Graece et Latine editae Petro Pantino Tiletano Interprete, Antwerp, 1598; Conciones Graecorum Patrum a Petro Pantino Tiletano Decano Bruxell. Nunc primum Graece editae, Latineque conuersae, Antwerp, 1601 (both volumes have dedications to Spanish patrons). See J. Fabri, ‘Petrus Pantinus’, Bibliotheca Belgica, 3rd ser., 231st issue, Brussels, 1964 (multiple pagination); id., ‘La correspondance de Pierre Pantin avec Balthasar Moretus (1607-1611)’, De Gulden Passer, 43, 1965, pp. 166–247; de Andrés, ‘Covarrubias’ (n. 79 above), pp. 270–73, 295–6; M. Sicherl, Griechische Erstausgaben des Aldus Manutius: Druckvorlagen, Stellenwert, kultureller Hintergrund, Paderborn, 1997, pp. 224–5; D. Imhof, Jan Moretus and the Continuation of the Plantin Press: A Bibliography of the Works Published and Printed by Jan Moretus I in Antwerp (1589–1610), I, Leiden, 2014, pp. 78–80.

  84. 84.

    Schott to Meursius, in Joannes Meursius, Opera omnia, ed. Giovanni Lami, XI, Florence, 1763, col. 223; Theophylact of Ohrid, Epistolae. Joannes Meursius nunc primum e tenebris erutas edidit, Leiden, 1617, sig. P3v; Mariner to Meursius, 27 January 1619, in Meursius, Opera, XI, cols 331–2; Theophylact of Ohrid, Lettres, ed. P. Gautier, Thessalonica, 1986, pp. 29–30. Mariner had previously advertised his abilities to both Schott and Meursius by writing to them in Greek: see Mariner to Meursius, 8 October 1617, in Meursius, Opera, XI, cols 293–4; Schott to Meursius, no date [November 1617], MS Copenhagen, Det Kongelige Bibliotek, Fabricius 101, 4°, fol. 256v (a postscript to the letter of 13 November 1617 published in Meursius, Opera, XI, cols 297–8). On Mariner, who has attracted much interest among Spanish classicists in recent years, see G. Rodríguez Herrera, ‘Notas para un catálogo del corpus epistolar del helenista Vicente Mariner’, Cuadernos de Filología Clásica. Estudios latinos, 9, 1995, pp. 197–204; M. D. García de Paso Carrasco and G. Rodríguez Herrera, Vicente Mariner y sus traducciones de la Ilias y la Odyssea, Cordova, 1996 (with a biography and a list of Mariner’s works).

  85. 85.

    Schott to Meursius, 28 May 1619, in Meursius, Opera (n. 84 above), XI, col. 336. On translating patristic as opposed to profane authors, see Giulio Poggiani’s dedication to Cardinal Truchseß in John Chrysostom, De uirginitate liber, a Iulio Pogiano conuersus, Rome, 1562, sigs a4v–b1r; Fronton Du Duc’s notes in id., Tractatus XVII sanctis Apostolis, Martyribus, et Patriarchis dicti. Nunc primum Graece et Latine in lucem editi opera Frontonis Ducaei Burdigalensis, societatis Iesu Professoris Theologi, Bordeaux, 1601, p. 412.

  86. 86.

    Magna Bibliotheca ueterum Patrum, et antiquorum scriptorum ecclesiasticorum…. Opera et studio doctissimorum in alma Universitate Colon. Agripp. Theologorum ac Profess. Tomus decimusquintus, siue Supplementum, uel Appendix. Continens scriptores plurimos et opuscula, in prioribus tomis desiderata…, Cologne, 1622, pp. 245–74. It is conceivable that Schott revised the translation: in the table of contents, it features as ‘Theophilacti Archiepiscopi Bulgariae Epistolae, Vincentio Marinerio Valentino interprete. nunc primum a P. Andrea Schotto S. I. editae’.

  87. 87.

    Schott to Olivier de Wree, in L. Maes, ‘Lettres inédites d’André Schott’, Le Muséon, new ser., 9, 1908, pp. 368–411 (394–5, with editor’s introduction, 392–4). On Mariner’s style of translation, see his dedication to Scipione Cobelluzzi, dated 14 July 1619, of his translation of Eusebius’s De martyribus Palestinae, MS Vatican City, BAV, Vat. gr. 1576, pp. XIV–XV: ‘Hoc interim animaduertere uolo, me in hac uersione Budaeum, Erasmum, Politianum fuisse sequutum, qui non ad uerbum, sed aliquo orationis ornatu, et elegantiae colore Graeca, Latina reddiderunt, dummodo integrum et authoris, et orationis sensum obseruarent’ (presentation copy described in C. Giannelli, Codices Vaticani graeci: Codices 1485–1683, Vatican City, 1950, pp. 178–80; see G. de Andrés, ‘De Martyribus Palaestinae et collectio antiquorum martyriorum de Eusebio de Cesarea: Historia del texto griego Escurialense’, La Ciudad de Dios, 181, 1968, pp. 592–600); R. Gallé Cejudo, ‘Approches implicites de critique textuelle par Vicente Mariner sur le texte des Lettres de Philostrate’, Euphrosyne, 42, 2015, pp. 231–40, who quotes an interesting letter of Mariner to Schott.

  88. 88.

    Mariner to Meursius, 27 June 1627, in Meursius, Opera (n. 84 above), XI, col. 474 (‘Tu felix, qui in Batauicis degis campis, qui te immortalem tanta Typorum segete reddiderunt’), with a catalogue of his unpublished translations.

  89. 89.

    C. Gilly, Spanier und der Basler Buchdruck bis 1600. Ein Querschnitt durch die spanische Geistesgeschichte aus der Sicht einer europäischen Buchdruckerstadt, Basel and Frankfurt, 1985, pp. 91–2, 515–20; Dávila Pérez and Lazure, ‘Un catálogo’ (n. 79 above), pp. 269–71. On Orthodoxographa, see Hieronymus, Griechischer Geist (n. 23 above), nos 437, 439, repeated with additional information in id., 1488 Petri–Schwabe 1988: eine traditionsreiche Basler Offizin im Spiegel ihrer frühen Drucke, Basel, 1997, nos 327, 330, pp. 954–60, 962–8; A. Burckhardt, Johannes Basilius Herold: Kaiser und Reich im protestantischen Schrifttum des Basler Buchdrucks um die Mitte des 16. Jahrhunderts, Basel–Stuttgart, 1966, esp. pp. 143–7.

  90. 90.

    J.-L. Quantin, ‘Les jésuites et l’érudition anglicane’, XVIIesiècle, 59, 2007, pp. 691–711 (698–702).

  91. 91.

    Montagu to Cosin, 7 February and 29 February 1625, in The Correspondence of John Cosin, D.D., Lord Bishop of Durham, ed. G. Ornsby, I, Durham, 1869, pp. 53, 61 (brackets are the editor’s, who was reduced to guesses by Montagu’s extremely difficult handwriting; Montagu never writes the year, and Ornsby’s dates are often faulty, but references to contemporary events make it certain that both letters date from 1625). An Auctarium to the Bibliotheca Patrum had already come out in Paris the previous year, with a contribution by Montagu (Quantin, ‘Jésuites’ [n. 90 above], p. 699). Holstenius arrived in Paris, from England, in mid-October 1624, and abjured Protestantism there on 15 December 1624 (F. Wagner, ‘Aus dem Leben des Lucas Holstenius’, Zeitschrift des Vereins für Hamburgische Geschichte, 11, 1903, pp. 388–410 [406–7]; A. Serrai, La biblioteca di Lucas Holstenius, Udine, 2000, p. 24). His project for the Bibliotheca Patrum was never carried out.

  92. 92.

    See J.-L. Quantin, ‘Erudition and Orthodoxy: John Fell and Patristic Scholarship in Restoration Oxford’, Erudition and the Republic of Letters, 1, 2016, pp. 43–78.

  93. 93.

    See Henry Bourchier to Ussher, 13 April 1629, in The Correspondence of James Ussher: 1600–1656, ed. E. Boran, Dublin, 2015, II, p. 452; the Greek-Latin edition of patristic miscellanies prepared by Augustine Lindsell and Richard Montagu in the early 1630s, MS Oxford, Bodl., Laud gr. 64 A and 64 B; the materials gathered by Gerard Langbaine in the 1640s and 1650s, esp. MS Oxford, Bodl., Langbaine 8, pp. 25, 39–41, 97–100; Langbaine 11, pp. 93–111; MS Langbaine 13.

  94. 94.

    Supplementa homiliarum Ioannis Chrysostomi archiepiscopi Constantinopolitani. Ex codicibus mss. bibliothecae Bodleianae eruit, latine uertit, et notis illustrauit Ericus Benzelius filius, Uppsala, 1708; Benzelius to Wanley, 29 July 1702, MS London, BL, Harley 3777, fols 205v–206r. On the scarcity of the book, even in Germany, see Ernst Salomon Cyprianus to Benzelius, 30 March 1709, in Letters to Erik Benzelius the Younger from Learned Foreigners, ed. A. Erikson, I, Göteborg, 1980, pp. 148–9; Conrad Widow to Montfaucon, 13 May 1715, MS Paris, BNF, Français 17713, fol. 176r. In 1710, the Journal de Trévoux mentioned Benzelius’s edition as not yet published (Memoires pour l’Histoire des Sciences et des beaux Arts, May 1710, p. 913).

  95. 95.

    Savile to Ralph Winwood, 7 March 1602, Northamptonshire Record Office, Winwood Original State Papers, II, unnumbered (summary in HMC. Montagu House I, pp. 33–4). On Edmund Bollifant alias Carpenter, one of the partners of the Eliot’s Court Press, who died in early 1602, see H. R. Plomer, ‘The Eliot’s Court Printing House, 1584-1674’, The Library, 4th ser., 2, 1921–1922, pp. 175–84; on Norton’s links with the Continent, J. Barnard, ‘Politics, Profits and ?Idealism: John Norton, the Stationers’ Company, and Sir Thomas Bodley’, The Bodleian Library Record, 17, 2002, pp. 385–408; id., ‘The Financing of the Authorized Version 1610–1612: Robert Barker and “Combining” and “Sleeping” Stationers’, Publishing History, 57, 2005, pp. 5–52 (35–40); G. Rees and M. Wakely, Publishing, Politics, and Culture: The King's Printers in the Reign of James I and VI, Oxford, 2009, pp. 14–16, 37.

  96. 96.

    This is how I would render Erasmus’s expression in his preface to his 1529 edition of Seneca, in Erasmus, Opus epistolarum (n. 42 above), VIII, p. 28 (ep. 2091): ‘Sigismundus Gelenius, qui iampridem in officina Frobeniana castigandi praefecturam gerit’, rather than ‘who has long been in charge of editing at the Froben press’ (Collected Works of Erasmus, 15, transl. A. Dalzell, Toronto, 2012, p. 47). Petitmengin, ‘Gelenius (Sigismundus)’ (n. 44 above), p. 337, translates more accurately ‘responsable de la correction chez les Froben’. Cf. Erasmus to Polydore Vergil, 30 April 1526, in id., Opus epistolarum (n. 42 above), VI, p. 330 (ep. 1702): ‘Praeerat castigationi Sigismundus Gelenius’.

  97. 97.

    A. Grafton, ‘Printers’ Correctors and the Publication of Classical Texts’, in id., Bring Out Your Dead: The Past as Revelation, Cambridge MA, 2001, pp. 141–55; id., The Culture of Correction in Renaissance Europe, London, 2011, esp. pp. 10–32. On the two categories of correctors, see E. Bloch, ‘Erasmus and the Froben Press: The Making of an Editor’, Library Quarterly, 35, 1965, pp. 109–20 (110–11); S. D. Shaw, ‘A Study of the Collaboration between Erasmus of Rotterdam and His Printer Johann Froben at Basel during the Years 1514 to 1527’, Erasmus of Rotterdam Society Yearbook, 6, 1986, pp. 31–124 (83).

  98. 98.

    Das Chronikon des Konrad Pellikan, zur vierten Säkularfeier der Universität Tübingen, ed. B. Riggenbach, Basel, 1877, p. 79: ‘quo esset liber utilior ac uendibilior’. The book in question was Marsilius of Padua’s Defensor pacis, but Pellikan did the same work for several patristic editions. Note esp. p. 76, his compiling the index for Erasmus’s edition of Cyprian (published by Froben in 1521): ‘non sine magnis laboribus, qui nondum sciebam artificium commodius indices colligendi’.

  99. 99.

    Erasmus to Damião de Góis, 15 December 1535, in id., Opus epistolarum (n. 42 above), XI, p. 259 (ep. 3076): ‘Gelenio, uiro bono ac docto, optarim fortunam aliquando commodiorem. Diuitias uix optarim. Nunc penia adigit illum ad honestos labores.’ The passage is quoted by P. Petitmengin, ‘Un ami de Melanchthon: Sigismundus Gelenius, éditeur et traducteur des textes classiques et patristiques’, in Die Patristik in der frühen Neuzeit: Die Relektüre der Kirchenväter in den Wissenschaften des 15. bis 18. Jahrhunderts, ed. G. Frank et al., Stuttgart–Bad Cannstatt, 2005, pp. 65–92 (69). Compare Erasmus’s protestation when he was himself accused of having earned his bread as a corrector at Aldus’s, in A. Vanautgaerden, Érasme typographe. Humanisme et imprimerie au début du XVIe siècle, Geneva, 2012, pp. 161 (the French translation completely misrepresents the Latin!), 164–5. Melchior Goldast had a very similar reaction eighty years later; see his letter to Georg Rehm, 9 September 1610, in Acta litteraria ex manuscriptis eruta, ed. B. G. Struve, II.6, Iena, 1718, pp. 550–4. See also Grafton, Culture of Correction (n. 97 above), pp. 63–77.

  100. 100.

    Letter to Joachimus Camerarius, 22 July 1585, in P. Lehmann, Franciscus Modius als Handschriftenforscher, Munich, 1908, pp. 33–4. On Modius’s work as a corrector for Feyerabend and then Johann Wechel in Frankfurt, see ibid., pp. 18–19.

  101. 101.

    See J. C. Zeltner, Correctorum in Typographiis eruditorum centuria speciminis loco collecta, Nuremberg, 1716, pp. 588–92, wrongly summarized by D. C. McMurtrie, The Corrector of the Press in the Early Days of Printing, Greenwich CT, 1922, pp. 7–8, as from Hieronymus Hornschuch’s 1608 Orthotypographia (which Zeltner had previously quoted at length, pp. 578–85): this confessional development is proper to Zeltner, who specially warns against Roman Catholic corruption of the Fathers.

  102. 102.

    See M. E. Welti, Der Basler Buchdruck und Britannien. Die Rezeption britischen Gedankenguts in den Basler Pressen von den Anfängen bis zum Beginn des 17. Jahrhunderts, Basel, 1964, pp. 44–5, 57–8 n. 6, 222, 227, 229–30, for their role in editions of Origen, Chysostom and Cyril of Alexandria. But this should be supplemented by Humphrey’s testimony (Iesuitismi pars secunda [n. 33 above], pp. 505 and 650) that he also acted as corrector for the 1556 edition of Augustine’s Opera omnia, for which he wrote the anonymous preface, and for Athanasius’s Opera in the same year.

  103. 103.

    Die Matrikel der Universität Köln, IV: 1559–1675, ed. H. Keussen et al., Düsseldorf, 1981, p. 211, April 1605, no. 116 (‘Alard. Vilius, Delphensis’). See Wyelius’s preface, dated 12 September 1618, in Magna Bibliotheca ueterum Patrum, et antiquorum Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum. Primo quidem a Margarino de la Bigne, Sorbonico in Academia Parisiensi Theologo collecta, et tertio in lucem edita; Nunc uero plus quam centum Authoribus, et opusculis plurimis locupletata, Historica methodo per singula Saecula, quibus Scriptores quique uixerunt, disposita; et in XIV Tomos distributa: Opera et studio doctissimorum in alma Uniuersitate Colon. Agripp. Theologorum ac Profess., Cologne, 1618, unnumbered. He died during the preparation of the 1622 Supplementum: see the preface of the printer, Anton Hierat (a key player in Catholic printing in Northern Europe), dated 23 March 1622, to Tomus Decimusquintus, siue Supplementum (n. 86 above), sig.)(2r. On the Cologne Bibliotheca, see P. Nelles, ‘Du savant au missionnaire: la doctrine, les mœurs et l’écriture de l’histoire chez les jésuites’, XVIIe siècle, 59, 2007, pp. 669–89 (684–5).

  104. 104.

    See H. Keussen, Die alte Universität Köln: Grundzüge ihrer Verfassung und Geschichte, Cologne, 1934, pp. 218 and 433 no. 261 (‘Alard Weilius’). On Dutch exiles in Cologne, see G. H. Janssen, ‘The Exile Experience’, in The Ashgate Research Companion to the Counter-Reformation, ed. A. Bamji, G. H. Janssen, and M. Laven, Farnham, 2013, pp. 73–90.

  105. 105.

    See C. F. Urba, ‘Beiträge zur Geschichte der Augustinischen Textkritik’, Sitzungsberichte der philosophisch-historischen Classe der kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 119, 1889, VI. Abhandlung, pp. 16, 20, 23–4; Petitmengin, ‘A propos des éditions patristiques’ (n. 67 above), esp. pp. 212 n. 8, 218 n. 8 (‘et nunc Religionis causa a patria cogeris exulare’); M. A. Visceglia, ‘La biblioteca tra Urbano VII (15-27 settembre 1590) e Urbano VIII (1623–1644): cardinali bibliotecari, custodi, scriptores’, in Storia della Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, III: La Vaticana nel Seicento (1590–1700): una biblioteca di biblioteche, ed. C. Montuschi, Vatican City, 2014, pp. 77–121 (91 pl. 7, 116 n. 95); identification by Quantin, ‘Baronius et les sources’ (n. 46 above), pp. 61–2. On the status of correctores, see also Y. Loskoutoff, ‘La copie de manuscrits pour la Bibliothèque Vaticane sous saint Pie V (1566-1572), d’après les comptes de la Chambre Apostolique’, La Bibliofilía, 117, 2015, pp. 159–80 (163–5, 179).

  106. 106.

    Savile to Dudley Carleton, 26 January 1614, PRO, SP 14/76, fol. 5r.

  107. 107.

    See, e.g., Thomas Bennet to Grabe, 16 August 1699, Bodl., MS Grabe 23, no. 62, fol. 88r, on the Oxford edition of Irenaeus of Lyon: ‘I gave you my Reasons at Oxford why no more should be printed of Irenaeus…; If I finde the booke is liked, we can begin to print again time enough to prevent the Dutch from medling with the Coppy, and I do not question myself but to procure some additionall paper, from beyond sea in time, that will be of great use in a 2d impression.’ As it turned out, Bennett did rather well with the book, thanks to his own relations with Dutch booksellers: see The Notebook of Thomas Bennet and Henry Clements (1686–1719), with Some Aspects of Book Trade Practice, ed. N. Hodgson and C. Blagden, Oxford, 1956, pp. 14, 52, 59, 61, 63, 64.

  108. 108.

    Arthur Charlett to William King, 12 March 1718, HMC. Second Report, London, 1874, p. 254. See R. Sharpe, ‘Selling books from the Sheldonian Theatre 1677-1720’, The Library, 7th ser., 11, 2010, pp. 275–320 (289–90); M. Kilburn, ‘The Fell Legacy 1686–1755’, in The History of Oxford University Press, I: Beginnings to 1780, ed. I. Gadd, Oxford, 2013, pp. 119–32.

  109. 109.

    Rethius to Petrus Canisius, 16 March 1574, in Petrus Canisius, SJ, Epistulae et acta, ed. O. Braunsberger, VII, Freiburg im Breisgau, 1922, no. 1875, p. 199; Canisius’s reply, 24 June 1574, ibid., no. 1888, pp. 217–18: ‘Res typographica eo usque progressa est, ut omnibus sit fere persuasum, nouis et extraordinariis sumptibus eos non esse iuuandos, qui sponte tot quotannis procudunt uolumina, ut ad emendum plaerisque uix nummorum satis suppetat copia.’

  110. 110.

    Latini to Rethius 27 June 1574, in Latino Latini, Epistolae, conjecturae, et obseruationes, ed. Domenico Magri, II, Viterbo, 1667, p. 164: ‘Neque Cardinalis meus, qui grandi aere alieno ita premitur, ut exiguam familiam aegre necessario cibo sustinere ualeat, quicquam Plantino opis afferre potest.’ For Rethius’s letter to Latini, see B. Duhr, Geschichte der Jesuiten in den Ländern Deutscher Zunge, I, Freiburg im Breisgau, p. 771.

  111. 111.

    On James’s failed projects, see G. W. W[heeler], ‘Thomas James, Theologian and Bodley's Librarian’, The Bodleian Quarterly Record, 4, 1923, pp. 91–5; N. R. Ker, ‘Thomas James’s Collation of Gregory, Cyprian, and Ambrose’, The Bodleian Library Record, 4, 1952–1953, pp. 16–30; P. Nelles, ‘The Uses of Orthodoxy and Jacobean Erudition: Thomas James and the Bodleian Library’, History of Universities, 22.1, 2007, pp. 21–70.

  112. 112.

    A convenient overview is provided by Précis par ordre alphabétique, ou table raisonnée des matières contenues dans la nouvelle collection des procès-verbaux des assemblées générales et particulières du clergé de France, Paris, 1780, s.v. ‘Livres et Impressions’, cols 1385–6, and ‘Peres Grecs, Historiens Ecclésiastiques Grecs et Latins’, cols 1669–70. See the report presented to the Assembly of 1635 ‘sur les impressions qui se font par l’ayde et secours du Clergé’, Procez verbal de l’Assemblée generale du Clergé de France, tenuë à Paris au couvent des Augustins en l’année mil six cens trente-cinq, Paris, 1635, pp. 86–7; Quantin, ‘Du Chrysostome latin’ (n. 38 above), pp. 328–9. The lively study by L. Doutreleau, ‘L’Assemblée du clergé de France et l’édition patristique grecque au XVIIe siècle’, in Les Pères de l’Église (n. 30 above), pp. 99–116, is marred by too many mistakes to be of much use.

  113. 113.

    Procez verbal de l’Assemblée de 1635 (n. 112 above), p. 503.

  114. 114.

    Procez verbal de l’Assemblée generale du Clergé de France, tenuë à Paris au convent des Augustins és années 1655 et 1656, Paris, 1655 [1657], pp. 899, 901 (16 October 1656): ‘au Pere Combefis 500 livres de pension, pour être distribuée par Messieurs les Agents [of the Clergy] aux copistes et autres personnes servans à l’impression des Peres Grecs, et ce suivant la connoissance qu’ils auront de leur travail’: note the strict control exercised. See J.-L. Quantin, ‘L’érudition dominicaine dans la France moderne’, in Les Dominicains en France (XIIIe-XXe siècle), ed. N. Bériou et al., Paris, 2017, pp. 173–94 (179).

  115. 115.

    ACDF, Index, Protocolli LL, fols 350r, 351r (petition in two copies, 1662).

  116. 116.

    H.-J. Martin, ‘Les Bénédictins, leurs libraires et le pouvoir. Notes sur le financement de la recherche au temps de Mabillon et de Montfaucon’, in Mémorial du XIVe centenaire de l’abbaye de Saint-Germain-des-Prés: recueil de travaux sur le monastère et la Congrégation de Saint-Maur, Paris, 1959, pp. 273–87. See also the case of Michel Le Quien’s 1712 edition of John of Damascus (Quantin, ‘L’érudition dominicaine’ [n. 114 above], p. 180).

  117. 117.

    M. Fumaroli, ‘La République européenne des Lettres et les Sources chrétiennes’, in Les Pères de l’Église aux sources de l’Europe, ed. D. Gonnet and M. Stavrou, Paris, 2014, pp. 433–48.

  118. 118.

    Ibid., p. 438.

  119. 119.

    D. Muratore, La biblioteca del cardinale Niccolò Ridolfi, 2 vols, Alessandria, 2009, I, pp. 313–425; I. A. R. de Smet, Thuanus. The Making of Jacques-Auguste de Thou (1553-1617), Geneva, 2006, p. 184; Quantin, ‘Du Chrysostome latin’ (n. 38 above), pp. 280–4. See also Casaubon to Scaliger, 7 October 1598, in The Correspondence of Joseph Justus Scaliger, ed. P. Botley and D. Van Miert, III, Geneva, 2012, p. 207.

  120. 120.

    Fumaroli, ‘République européenne des Lettres’ (n. 117 above), p. 438–40.

  121. 121.

    Petitmengin, ‘Match Bâle-Paris’ (n. 38 above), p. 33, who also speaks, on p. 24 of a translatio studii.

  122. 122.

    Quantin, ‘Jésuites’ (n. 90 above), pp. 695–7.

  123. 123.

    John Chrysostom, Explanationes in Nouum Testamentum in sex tomos distributae. Editio nunc primum in Gallia Graece et Latine elaborata, locis pene innumeris ex collatione uariarum editionum, et recensione R. P. Frontonis Ducaei Societ. Iesu recognita, suppleta, et ad exemplar authenticum Anglicanae editionis correcta et emendata, 5 vols, Paris, 1633. Both the title and Morel’s claims in his foreword (I, ‘Typographus lectori’, unnumbered: ‘Exemplaria quibus in praesenti Editione usi sumus fuere, Authenticum illud Anglicanae editionis nunquam satis laudatum, cui religiose adhaesimus in corrigendo textu Graeco…. Alterum fuit Editio postrema Parisiensis latine tantum, a R. P. Frontone Ducaeo Societ. Iesu Theologo, recensita, et ad idem Anglicanae editionis exemplar recognita, suppleta et correcta’) are mendacious, as the volumes merely reproduced those published by the officina Commeliniana in 1596–1603 (Quantin, ‘Du Chrysostome latin’ [n. 38 above], pp. 300–305). Morel reissued them with new title-pages in 1636, as part of John Chrysostom, Opera omnia in duodecim tomos distributa. A set with the original title-pages is held in Lyon, Bibliothèque municipale, 20532 (1-6); for the 1636 cancels, see, e.g., Bibliothèque de l’Arsenal, Paris, fol. T 987 (1–5); the set Arsenal, fol. T 988 (1–5) is composite.

  124. 124.

    See Voet, The Plantin Press (n. 45 above), I, p. 217 (on the deal between Plantin and the Cologne publisher Arnold Mylius for Augustine’s Opera omnia); III, pp. 1129–32 (on their contract for the edition of Jerome). On the apogee of Cologne printing and its decline after 1630, see S. Corsten, ‘Die Blütezeit des Kölner Buchdrucks (15.–17. Jahrhundert)’, Rheinische Viertelsjahrsblätter, 40, 1976, pp. 130–49; W. Enderle, ‘Die Buchdrucker der Reichsstadt Köln und die katholische Publizistik zwischen 1555 und 1648’, in Köln als Kommunikationszentrum, ed. G. Mölich and G. Schwerhoff, Cologne, 2000, pp. 167–82.

  125. 125.

    J. V. Mehl, ‘The First Printed Editions of the History of Church Councils’, Annuarium historiae conciliorum, 18, 1986, pp. 128–43; D. Franses, ‘Petrus Crabbe († 1553/4) en zijn Conciliorum Collectio’, Collectanea Franciscana Neerlandica, 2, 1931, pp. 427–46; A. Tallon, La France et le concile de Trente (1518–1563), Rome, 1997, pp. 440–41.

  126. 126.

    The first edition came out in 1606, the second, much augmented one, in 1618. See H. Quentin, Jean-Dominique Mansi et les grandes collections conciliaires, Paris, 1900, pp. 21–4; H. J. Sieben, ‘Zur Entstehung und Eigenart der Konzilssammlung des Severin Binius (1. Auflage, Köln 1606)’, in id., Studien zur Gestalt und Überlieferung der Konzilien, Paderborn, 2005, pp. 267–92.

  127. 127.

    See P. Petitmengin, ‘Les patrologies avant Migne’, in Migne et le renouveau des études patristiques, ed. A. Mandouze and J. Fouilheron, Paris, 1985, pp. 15–38 (24–5). On the competition for Augustine’s Opera omnia, see Quantin, ‘L’Augustin du XVIIe siècle?’ (n. 43 above), pp. 12, 53–4.

  128. 128.

    Bibliotheca ueterum Patrum, seu Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum. Tomus primus [–secundus] Graecolatinus. Qui varios Graecorum auctorum libros, antea Latine tantum in nouem istius Bibliothecae tomis, nunc uero primum utraque lingua editos, in lucem complectitur, Paris, 1624. This addition was advertised on the general title-page and emphasized by the ‘Bibliopolae Parisienses’ in their advertisement to the reader (Bibliothecae ueterum Patrum et auctorum Ecclesiasticorum, tomi nouem…. Editione quarta. Nunc praeter multorum librorum accessionem…, duobus tomis Graeco-Latinis aucta, qui Graecos auctores utraque lingua editos complectuntur, Paris, 1624, sig. a4v). That this was a ploy to reconquer the market, ‘cum animaduerterem Bibliothecam Patrum Coloniae editam reliquis, quae hactenus Parisiis in lucem prodierant, ab omnibus anteponi’, is confessed by the printer Gilles Morel in his foreword to a two-volume Supplementum (Noua Bibliotheca ueterum Patrum et Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum siue supplementum Bibliothecae Patrum, Paris, 1639, I, sig. a3r). This 1639 Supplementum was in Latin only, but Morel later published the Magna Bibliotheca ueterum Patrum, et antiquorum Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum…. nunc uero additione ducentorum circiter Authorum, tam Graecorum qui in editione Coloniensi, quam Latinorum qui in Parisiensibus desiderabantur, locupletata, Accuratissime emendata, et in XVII. tomos, partes uero XXIV. distributa, Paris, 1644, the only truly Greek-Latin collection (with Greek texts inserted in the main body of the work instead of being confined to supplementary volumes).

  129. 129.

    Défense des libraires de Paris contre l’entreprise des nommez Anisson frères, Posuel et Rigaud, Libraires de Lyon, associez, n.p., n.d., p. 10; Les Imprimeurs et Libraires de Paris à Messieurs les Gens de Lettres, n.p., n.d., unnumbered [p. 4]: ‘nous sçavons aussi bien à Paris donner des pieds [i.e. distribute abroad] à nos Livres grecs et latins, qu’eux à Lyon à cette multitude de Casuistes étrangers qui n’apprennent qu’à chicaner contre la loy de Dieu’. There are two copies of each factum in the Anisson-Duperron collection, MS Paris, BNF, Français 22071, nos 168–72. They must predate the call of Anisson to Paris in mid-January 1691 (see n. 139 below) and postdate the second tome of Ambrose’s Opera, which has an ‘achevé d’imprimer’ of 25 November 1690 (other mentions exclude that the reference could be to the first volume of 1686). Compare the list of foreign casuists at the end of the ‘Cinquième lettre’ and the famous question, ‘tout effrayé, tous ces gens-là étaient-ils chrétiens?’ (Blaise Pascal, Les Provinciales, Pensées et opuscules divers, ed. G. Ferreyrolles and P. Sellier, Paris, 2004, p. 345). Lyon had indeed been a major centre for the publication and European distribution of Spanish works, including moral theology, although, by the end of the 17th century, its importance in that respect had much declined because of cheaper foreign competition (L’Intendance de Lyonnais, Beaujolais, Forez en 1698 et en 1762: édition critique du mémoire rédigé par Lambert d’Herbigny et des observations et compléments de La Michodière, ed. J.-P. Gutton, Paris, 1992, pp. 191–2).

  130. 130.

    Les Imprimeurs et Libraires, unnumbered [p. 1]; Défense des libraires, p. 8 (‘Un seul volume de Saint Augustin qu’imprime Muguet, ou le seul volume que vient d’achever Coignard du Saint Ambroise, fait plus d’honneur à la France que les vingt-sept volumes d’Anisson’).

  131. 131.

    On Despont, the only study remains E. Coyecque, ‘Le cabinet de Philippe Despont, vicaire des Incurables (1623–1700)’, Mémoires de la Société de l'Histoire de Paris et de l'Ile-de-France, 49, 1927, pp. 155–72. He was said to be ‘Docteur de Rome’ ([P. Collet], La Vie de M. Henri Marie Boudon, grand Archidiacre d’Evreux, I, Paris, 1753, p. 81) and this is confirmed by the inscription on some of his engraved portraits (Coyecque, ‘Le cabinet’, pp. 161–2): ‘in sacra Theologia Romana Doctor’. In his preface to Maxima Bibliotheca ueterum Patrum, et antiquorum Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum…. Hac tandem editione Lugdunensi, ad eandem Coloniensem exacta, nouis supra centum authoribus, et opusculis hactenus desideratis, locupletata, et in tomos XXVII distributa, Lyon, 1677, I, sig. *5r, he called himself ‘Presbyter Parisiensis et Doctor Theologus’; in his ‘approbation’ of the book, sig. *6v, with probably deliberate ambiguity, ‘Doctor Theologus Parisiensis’. This may account for the later claim, repeated by R. Limouzin-Lamothe in Dictionnaire de biographie française, XI, Paris, 1967, s.v., that he was ‘docteur de Sorbonne’. But he never appears in contemporary lists of doctors of the Faculty of Paris (see, e.g., the printed lists, ‘Nomina et ordo magistrorum Sacrae Theologiae Parisiensis’, for 1683 and 1694, in MS BNF, Français 22832, fols 1r–34v). He may have obtained his doctorate when he travelled to Rome in 1668–9: see Pierre-François Chifflet to Luc d’Achery, 12 October 1668, in J. Fohlen, ‘Chifflet, d’Achery et Mabillon. Une correspondance érudite dans la deuxième moitié du XVIIe siècle (1668–1675)’, Bibliothèque de l’École des Chartes, 126, 1968, pp. 135–85 (146); Coyecque, ‘Le cabinet’ (n. 132 above), p. 156).

  132. 132.

     R. de Voyer d’Argenson, Annales de la Compagnie du St-Sacrement, ed. H. Beauchet-Filleau, Marseille, 1900, pp. 226, 228, 233; A. Auguste, Contribution à l’histoire de la Compagnie du Très Saint Sacrement de l’Autel. Les Sociétés secrètes catholiques du XVIIe siècle et H.-M. Boudon Grand Archidiacre d’Evreux, Paris, 1913, p. 5.

  133. 133.

    See Chifflet to Despont, 26 July 1673, MS BNF, Français 17683, fol. 29r; Chifflet to d’Achery, 12 October 1668, 9 June 1669, [November 1669], 15 October 1670, 13 April 1674, 15 May 1675, in J. Fohlen, ‘Chifflet, d’Achery et Mabillon’ (n. 131 above), pp. 146, 157, 158, 160–61, 168, 182.

  134. 134.

    A. Leroux, ‘Une œuvre de Baluze oubliée’, Annales du Midi: revue archéologique, historique et philologique de la France méridionale, 1, 1889, pp. 197–231 (204–5).

  135. 135.

    See Paulinus of Périgueux, Œuvres, ed. É.-F. Corpet, in Œuvres de Sulpice Sévère, II, Paris, 1849, sep. paginated, n. 2 pp. 10–11, and A. Péricaud, ‘Notes et documents pour servir a l'histoire de Lyon sous le règne de Louis XIV’, La France littéraire, artistique, scientifique, 6, 1861–2, p. 589, as a hypothesis to account for alleged emendations in the text of Paulinus’s Vita Martini in the Maxima Bibliotheca. But the claim appears to be disproved by S. Labarre, ‘La transmission de Paulin de Périgueux: les principes d’une nouvelle édition’, Revue d’Histoire des Textes, 7, 2012, pp. 117–57 (140).

  136. 136.

    See Despont’s preface (n. 131 above), sig. *5r-v. Despont bequeathed his entire library to the Hospice des Incurables, where it was seized during the French Revolution. As a result, many of his books are extant in Paris libraries. See, e.g., his annotated copies of the 1607 Roman Index expurgatorius (Bibliothèque Mazarine, shelfmark 36859), of Archbishop Ussher’s edition of Polycarpi et Ignatii Epistolae (BNF, C 1422), of the 1644 Magna Bibliotheca ueterum Patrum (BNF, C 779 [TER, 1-17]).

  137. 137.

    Despont’s preface (n. 131 above), sig. *5v: ‘si quod in Coloniensibus arguebas, omissos etiam a nobis in natiuo idiomate Graecos Patres quaereris; quod tibi forte de millibus uni iniucundum fecimus, certe tot Nationum, ad quas transmittenda est nostra haec editio, quibus Attica mella uix sapiunt, comparatione infectum…’ The previous Bibliotheca was Morel’s Greek-Latin edition of 1644 (n. 128 above).

  138. 138.

    See the privilège (22 February 1672) and the arrêt du Conseil (21 November 1678) in Augustine, Operum tomus primus…. Opera et studio Monachorum Ordinis S. Benedicti, e Congregatione S. Mauri, Paris, 1679, sig. u1r-v; A.-M.-P. Ingold, Histoire de l’édition bénédictine de saint Augustin, avec le journal inédit de Dom Ruinart, Paris, 1903, pp. 43–4.

  139. 139.

    H. Omont, ‘Le Glossaire grec de Du Cange. Lettres d’Anisson à Du Cange relatives à l'impression du glossaire (1682–1688)’, Revue des Études grecques, 5, 1892, pp. 212–49; J.-B. Vanel, Les Bénédictins de Saint-Germain-des-Prés et les savants lyonnais d’après leur correspondance inédite, Paris-Lyon, 1894, pp. 115–60; H.-J. Martin, Livre, pouvoirs et société à Paris au XVIIesiècle(1598–1701), II, Geneva, 1969, pp. 733–7.

  140. 140.

    On Le Nourry’s over-ambitious plans, see his letter to Dom Claude Estiennot, procurator of Saint-Maur in Rome, 18 January 1694, MS BNF, Français 17680, fol. 107r-v; his ‘Projet d’une nouvelle Bibliotheque des Peres’, MS BNF, Latin 12107, fols 1–10, with instructions to collaborators, 11–14 (published by R. Kukula, ‘Die Mauriner Ausgabe des Augustinus. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Literatur und der Kirche im Zeitalter Ludwig’s XIV (III. Theil I.)’, Sitzungsberichte der philosophisch-his-torischen Classe der kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 127, 1892, V. Abhandlung, pp. 17–19 n. 1; Petitmengin, ‘Patrologies’ (n. 127 above), pp. 28–9. The first edition of his Apparatus ad Bibliothecam maximam ueterum Patrum et antiquorum scriptorum ecclesiasticorum Lugduni editam was published by Anisson in Paris in 1694–1697.

  141. 141.

    On this division of labour, see the illuminating study of F. Dolbeau, ‘Les travaux sur les manuscrits augustiniens de Saint-Remi de Reims. Les conséquences en province d’une décision éditoriale’, in Troisième centenaire de l’édition mauriste de saint Augustin, Paris, 1990, pp. 123–55.

  142. 142.

    See Plantin to Nicolas Oudaert, 18 July 1586, in Correspondance (n. 39 above), VIII–IX, p. 9: ‘Cum ego meis sumptibus curarem libros Operum S. Augustini manuscriptos ex omnibus partibus ad DD. doctores Lovanienses afferri ut meis quoque sumptibus conferrentur a Baccalaureis et uarietates annotarentur postea iudicandas a dictis D. doctoribus….’ See also Plantin to Alanus Copus, 31 January 1573, ibid., III, p. 305; Ghellinck, ‘Une édition’ (n. 58 above), pp. 393–5.

  143. 143.

    The Humble Supplication of Thomas James Student in Divinitie, and Keeper of the Publike Librarie at Oxford, for Reformation of the Ancient Fathers Workes, by Papists Sundrie Wayes Depraved, an undated broadsheet printed in London [c. 1607], Bodl., shelfmark Arch. A b 6, point 1; James, Treatise [n. 34 above], 5th part, pp. 1–2.

  144. 144.

    See its full title at n. 103 above. For a general view of relations between printers and the University, see I. Heitjan, ‘Die Stellung der Buchgewerbetreibenden in der Stadt Köln und zu ihrer Universität (15. bis 18. Jahrhundert)’, Archiv für Geschichte des Buchwesens, 11, 1971, cols 1130–1358, esp. 1273–89. For Basel, see E. Hilgert, ‘Johann Froben and the Basel University Scholars, 1513–1523’, Library Quarterly, 41, 1971, pp. 141–69.

  145. 145.

    J. Mabillon, Traité des études monastiques, Paris, 1691, pp. 67–8, 71, 255–6; id., Reflexions sur la réponse de M. l'abbé de la Trappe au Traité des études monastiques, Paris, 1692, pp. 303–5.

  146. 146.

    See M. Gasnier, Les Dominicains de Saint-Honoré: histoire et préhistoire du club des Jacobins, Paris, 1947, p. 300; Quantin, ‘L’érudition dominicaine’ (n. 114 above).

  147. 147.

    [Conyers Middleton], Remarks on Two Pamphlets Lately Published Against Dr. Middleton's Introductory Discourse, London, 1748, p. 127.

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Abbreviations: ACDF: Archives of the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, Rome; BAV: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana; BL: British Library; BNF: Bibliothèque Nationale de France; Bodl.: Bodleian Library; PRO: Public Record Office, The National Archives, Kew. Dates of English letters are old style throughout, but the year has been deemed to begin on 1 January.

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Quantin, JL. A European Geography of Patristic Scholarship in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. Int class trad 27, 300–331 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12138-019-00546-y

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