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References

  1. Die hier beschriebene Richtung der religionsgeschichtlichen Forschung wurde initiert durch den deutschen Alttestamentler Hermann Gunkel, auf dessen 1895 erschienenes Werk: Schöpfung und Chaos in Urzeit und Endzeit: Eine religionsgeschichtliche Untersuchung über Gen 1 und Ap Joh 12 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 1895) sich der Verfasser beruft; vgl. auch: H. Gunkel: Genesis, Göttinger Handkommentar zum Alten Testament I/1 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 31917), S. 120–22; Gunkel waren allerdings wichtige Quellen, wie die (erst 1929 entdeckten) Texte von Ugarit, noch nicht bekannt.

  2. M. Boyce and F. Grenet: A History of Zoroastrianism III, Zoroastrianism under Macedonian and Roman Rule, Handbuch der Orientalistik. Erste Abteilung: Der Nahe und der Mittlere Osten 8, Abschn. 1: Religionsgeschichte des Alten Orients (Leiden and New York: E.J. Brill, 1991); N. Cohn: Cosmos, Chaos and the World to Come: The Ancient Roots of Apocalyptic Faith (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1993).

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  3. Johannes Weiss: Die Predigt Jesu vom Reiche Gottes (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 11892 [21900. 31974]); Albert Schweitzer: Geschichte der Leben-Jesu-Forschung (Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr [P. Siebeck], 11906 [21913. 61951]); Rudolf Bultmann: Theologie des Neuen Testaments, neue theologische Grundrisse 4 (Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 31958); Joachim Jeremias: Neutestamentliche Theologie, Teil 1, Die Verkündigung Jesu (Gütersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus G. Mohn, 1971). (Allison stützt sich weitgehend auf die englischen Übersetzungen der angeführten Werke).

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  4. C. H. Dodd: The Parables of the Kingdom (London: Nisbet & Co., 1935); John Dominic Crossan: ‘The Servant Parables of Jesus’, in: G. W. MacRae (Hrsg.): Society of Biblical Literature 1973 Seminar Papers (Cambridge, MA: Society of Biblical Literature, 1973), 2,94–118; vgl. Ders.: The Historical Jesus: The Life of a Mediterranean Jewish Peasant (San Francisco: Harper, 1991); Norman Perrin: Rediscovering the Teaching of Jesus (London and New York: SCM Press, 1967).

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  5. Vgl. z. B. Günther Bornkamm: Jesus von Nazareth, Urban-Bücher 19 (Stuttgart u.a.: Kohlhammer, 11956 [71965]), 82–87; Ernst Käsemann: ‘Die Anfänge der christlichen Theologie’, Zeitschrift für Theologie und Kirche 57 (1960), 162–185; jetzt auch in: Ders.: Exegetische Versuche und Besinnungen II (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 31970), 82–104; Eta Linnemann: Gleichnisse Jesu. Einführung und Auslegung (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 11961 [31964]), 138–140; Ernst haenchen: Der Weg Jesu: eine Erklärung des Markus-Evangeliums und der kanonischen Parallelen, ser. De Gruyter Lehrbuch (Berlin: Walter De Gruyter, 1966), 182–186.

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  6. A. Schweitzer: Geschichte der Paulinischen Forschung von der Reformation bis auf die Gegenwart (Tübingen: Mohr, 1911 [21933]); Ders. A. Schweitzer: Die Mystik des Apostels Paulus (Tübingen: Mohr, 11930 [21933]).

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  7. Vgl. Bultmann: Theologie des Neuen Testaments (wie o. Anm. 3); Ders.: Bultmann: Das Urchristentum im Rahmen der antiken Religionen (Zürich und Stuttgart: Artemis, 21954); Ders.: Bultmann: ‘Geschichte und Eschatologie im Neuen Testament,’ in: Ders. Bultmann: Glauben und Verstehen III (Tübingen: Mohr, 1960), 91–106; E. Käsemann: ‘Gottesgerechtigkeit bei Paulus,’ Zeitschrift für Theologie und Kirche 58 (1961), 367–378; jetzt auch in: Ders. Bultmann: Exegetische Versuche und Besinnungen II (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 31970), 181–193; Ders. Bultmann: ‘Zum Thema der urchristlichen Apokalyptik,’ Zeitschrift für Theologie und Kirche 59 (1962), 257–284; jetzt auch in: Ders. Bultmann: Exegetische Versuche und Besinnungen II, 105–131.

  8. Chronica Magistri Rogeri de Houedene, William Stubbs ed., 4 Bde., Rerum Britannicarum Medii Aevi Scriptores 51, 1–4 (London: Longman, 1868-1871), ebd. 3,75–86.

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  9. The Chronicle of the Reigns of Henry II and Richard I A.d. 1169–1192, known commonly under the Name of Benedict of Peterborough, William Stubbs ed., 2 Bde., Rerum Britannicarum Medii Aevi Scriptores 49, 1–2 (London: Longmans, Green, Reader, and Dyer, 1867), ebd. 2,154.

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  10. S. dazu: Helmut Feld: Frauen des Mittelalters: Zwanzig Geistige Profile, Beihefte zum Archiv für Kulturgeschichte 50 (Köln: Böhlau, 2000), 69f.; vgl. B. McGinn: The Calabrian Abbot. Joachim of Fiore in the History of Western Thought (New York: Macmillan, 1985), 26.

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  11. Vgl. Thomas von Celano: Tractatus de miraculis Beati Francisci, 3: Familiare sibi signum Thau, prae ceteris signis, quo solo et missivas chartulas consignabat et cellarum parietes ubilibet depingebat; vgl. ders.: Vita secunda sancti Francisci, 106; Bonaventura: Legenda maior Sancti Francisci, Prologus, 2, u.ö. (alle drei Schriften in: Fontes Franciscani, a cura di Enrico Menéstò e Stefano Brufani, Medioevo francescano, Testi 2 [S. Maria degli Angeli-Assisi: Edizioni Porziuncola, 1995); zur Vorstellung des Franziskus von der universalen Erlösung s. H. Feld: Franziskus von Assisi und seine Bewegung (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1994), 215–234. 268–277; Ders.: Franziskus von Assisi (München: C. H. Beck, 2001), 54–79.

  12. Für die Chronik des Salimbene ist die neue kritische Ausgabe maßgebend: Salimbene de Adam: Cronica, ed. Giuseppe Scalia, 2 Bde., Corpus Christianorum, Continuatio Mediaevalis 125, 125A (Turnholti: Brepols, 1998–1999); ebd. 2,675.

  13. Hierzu wie zu dem gesamten Komplex der mittelalterlichen Erwartungen eines endzeitlichen Herrschers liegt jetzt das hervorragende Werk von Hannes Möhring vor. Der Weltkaiser der Endzeit. Entstehung, Wandel und Wirkung einer tausendjährigen Weissagung (Stuttgart: J. Thorbecke, 2000); vgl. auch: Klaus Schreiner: ‘Die Staufer in Sage, Legende und Prophetie’, in: Die Zeit der Staufer III (Stuttgart: Württembergisches Landesmuseum, 1977), 249–262.

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  14. S. hierzu besonders: Beda Kleinschmdit. Die Basilika San Francesco in Assisi, 3 Bde. (Berlin: Verlag für Kunstwissenschaft, 1915-1928); ebd. I,62–69; Isidoro Gatti: La tomba di San Francesco nei secoli (Assisi: Casa editrice Francescana, 1983); Feld: Franziskus von Assisi 1994 (wie o. Anm. 11), 375–379.

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  15. S. o. Anm. 8.

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  16. Möhring: Der Weltkaiser der Endzeit. Entstehung, Wandel und Wirkung einer tausendjährigen Weissagung (wie o. Anm. 13) (, 239–253.

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  17. Vgl. hierzu die (in dem Artikel nicht erwähnten) Untersuchungen: John H. R. Moorman: A History of the Franciscan Order. From its Origins to the Year 1517 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968), 316–318; Johannes Schlageter: ‘Wurde die Armutsauffassung des Franziskus von Assisi von der “offiziellen” Kirche schließlich abgelehnt? Francisci Armutsverständnis und der Streit über “dominium Christi” und “paupertas Christi” unter Papst Johannes XXII. (1316–1334),’ Franziskanische Studien 60 (1978), 97–119; Feld; Franziskus von Assisi 1994 (wie o. Anm. 11), 496–501; Ulrich Horst: Evangelische Armut und päpstliches Lehramt. Minoritentheologen im Konflikt mit Papst Johannes XXII. (1316–34), Münchener Kirchenhistorische Studien 8 (Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer, 1996).

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  18. Vgl. La Vie de Sainte Douceline. Texte provençal du XIVe siècle. Traduction et notes par R. Gout, Ars et fides 8 (Paris: Bloud et Gay, 1927); Raoul Manselli: Spirituali e Beghini in Provenza, Istituto di Storia Italiana per il Medio Evo, Studi storici 31–34 (Roma: Nella sede dell'Istituto, 1959); A. Sisto, Figure del primo francescanesimo in Provenza: Ugo e Douceline de Digne, Biblioteca della Rivista di Storia e Letteratura religiosa, Studi e testi 3 (Firenze: L. S. Olschki, 1971); Claude Carozzi: ‘Une Béguine Joachimite: Douceline, sœur d'Hugues de Digne,’ in: Franciscains d'Oc. Les Spirituels ca. 1280–1324, Cahiers de Fanjeaux 10 (Toulouse: É. Privat, 1975), 169–201; Kurt Ruh: Geschichte der abendländischen Mystik, Bd. II (München: C. H. Beck, 1993), 497–501.

  19. Es ist hier ein typographisches Mißgeschick passiert: Der gesamte Beitrag steht unter den Kolumnentiteln des vorangehenden Aufsatzes von St. J. Stein.

References

  1. Cf. Ferruccio Ferri (ed.), Le Poesie Liriche di Basinio, Testi latini umanistici, direttore Remigio Sabbadini, vol. I (Torino: G. Chiantore, successore E. Loescher, 1925), pp. 122–3; printed also in Robin Sowerby, “Early Humanist Failure with Homer (II),” IJCT 4 (1997/1998), pp. 166–7.

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  2. Peter Thiermann (ed.), Die Orationes Homeri des Leonardo Bruni Aretino: Kritische Edition, Mnemosyne. Bibliotheca classica Batava, Supplementum 126 (Leiden, New York, Köln: E.J. Brill, 1993), p. 66, also printed in Robin Sowerby, “Early Humanist Failure with Homer (I),” IJCT 4 (1997/1998), p. 58; cf. Sowerby, “Early Humanist Failure with Homer (II),” ibid. pp. 167 and 188–89.

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  3. Pound, “Translators of Greek: Early Translations of Homer” (1920), in T. S. Eliot (ed.), Literary Essays of Erza Pound (Norfold, CT: New Directions, 1954), p. 249.

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  4. From “Euthymia raptus” (1609), printed in Phyllis Brooks Bartlett (ed.), Poems (New York, 1962), p. 175. There are many insightful comparisons between Chapman and Homer in Robert Miola's article “On Death and Dying in Chapman's Iliad: Translation as Forgery,” IJCT 3 (1996/97), pp. 48–64, although the harsh subtitle refers to little more than the inevitable belatedness of all translations.

  5. John Miles Foley also argues that epithets need to be examined systematically in order to discover their meaning. But instead of finding that the adjective carries special weight in context, he argues that the noun-epithet combination should be regarded as a “word” which is encoded within the epic tradition. In a phrase like “green fear” (khlôron deos), always with the verb “to seize” (haireô), for example, he argues that neither poet nor audience think of the literal meaning of the phrase but rather, as usage suggests, associate the “word” (“green fear seized”) with a specific circumstance—in this case, a supernatural force which seizes one, causing terror; cf. Foley, Homer's Traditional Art (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1999), pp. 201–37, esp. 216–18. I agree that the epithet-noun conveys a stock condition but in the examples I cite I argue that the meaning of the epithet, far from being superficial or general, carries rhetorical force; cf. my Homer and the Sacred City (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1990), pp. 69–80, 130, 132, 134–36.

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  6. I cite from Allardyce Nicoll (ed.), Chapman's Homer: The Iliad, the Odyssey, and the lesser Homerica, 2 vols., Bollingen Series XLI (New York: Pantheon Books, 1956).

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  7. Thelma Sargent (tr.), The Homeric Hymns: A Verse Translation (New York: Norton, 1973), p. xi.

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  8. The epithet appears as a honorific title for Hera in hJun (XII).1; it also is associated with Hera in hAp 305. The epithet is never used of Hera in the Odyssey where it modifies Dawn ten times in a variety of formulaic structures and semantic fields; it is also used of Dawn three times in the Homeric Hymns (twice in hVen 218, 226, and once in hMerc 326). In the Iliad, the epithet is also used once of Artemis in Phoenix's speech (9.533), as it is once used of her in the Odyssey (5.123). For a repertory of Homeric epithets for the gods, see James H. Dee (ed.), Epitheta Deorum apud Homerum: The Epithetic Phrases for the Homeric Gods. Alpha-Omega, Ser. A, vol. CCXX (Hildesheim, New York: Olms-Weidmann, 2001; previously published in New York: Garland, 1994; recently reviewed by Mark W. Edwards, above in this volume [I]CT 12, 2005–2006], pp. 290–91. As is usually the case, the framing epithet (here khrusothronos) only appears at the beginning and end of the ring. Within Iliad 14.154–15.5 numerous epithets for Hera appear, some of them metrical doublets, for which see, William Beck, “Choice and Context, Metrical Doublets for Hera”, American Journal of Philology 107 (1986), pp. 480–88.

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  9. Cf. Hugh G. Evelyn-White (ed. and tr.), Hesiod, the Homeric Hymns and Homerica, Loeb Classical Library (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1982); Helene Foley (ed. and tr.), The Homeric Hymn to Demeter: Translation, Commentary and Interpretative Essays (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994); Susan C. Shelmerdine (tr.), The Homeric Hymns, ser. Focus Classical Library (Newburyport, MA: Focus Information Group, 1995); Michael Crudden (tr.), The Homeric Hymns: Translation with an Introduction and Notes (Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press, 2001); Martin L. West (ed. and tr.), Homeric Hymns, Homeric Apocrypha, Lives of Homer, Loeb Classical Library (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2003). The earlier Daryl Hine, The Hoemric Hymns and the Battle of the Frogs and the Mice (New York: Atheneum, 1972) is quite inconsistent in the way epithets are translated. I haven't checked C. Boer (tr.), The Homeric Hymns (Chicago: Swallow Press, 1970); F. Cassola (ed.), Inni Omerici, ser. Scrittori greci e latini (Milan: A Mondadori, 1975); A. N Athanassakis (tr.), The Homeric Hymns (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1976); A. Weiher (ed.), Homerische Hymnen, 6th ed. (Munich: Heimeran, 1989); Giuseppe Zanetto (ed.), Inni Omerici, Classici della BUR, L 1136 (Milan: Biblioteca Universale Rizzoli, 1996).

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  10. Rayor translates “unwonted” labor pangs as “unexpected” ones. The epithet aelptoi is difficult: others translate “beyond hope” (Sargent, Shelmerdine), or “offered no hope” (Crudden), or “unwonted” (Hine), all I think closer to the intended meaning than Rayor's “unexpected.” At Od 5.408, the epithet is used for reaching an “unanticipated” land; at hDem 219 for a child born “beyond hope”. West accepts Wackernagel's emendation, printing aeptoi (“unutterable”) for the medieval manuscripts’ reading, aelptoi.

  11. Jenny Strauss Clay, The Politics of Olympus: Form and Meaning in the Major Homeric Hymns (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1989), p. 214. For a different reading, see my “The Nature of the Gods in Early Greek Poetic Thought” in: R. S. Cohen and A. I. Tauber (eds.), Philosophies of Nature: The Human Dimension, Boston Studies in the Philosophy of Science 195 (Dordrecht, London: Kluwer Academic, 1998), pp. 170–74.

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  12. Sappho 44.9; cf. E. Lobel and D. Page (eds.), Poetarum Lesbiorum Fragmenta (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1955).

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  13. Cf. Penglase, Greek Myths and Mesopotamia: Parallels and Influences in the Homeric Hymns and Hesiod (London, New York: Routledge, 1994), p. 167.

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  14. J. Black, C. Cunningham, J. Ebeling, E. Fluckiger-Hawker, E. Robson, J. Taylor, and G. Zólyomi (eds. and trs.), The Electronic Text Corpus of Sumerian Literature (Oxford: University of Oxford, Faclty of Oriental Studies, 1998-), http://www-etcsl.orient.ox.ac.uk/section 4/tr40820.htm also in Yitschak Sefati (ed. and tr.), Love Songs in Sumerian literature: critical edition of the Dumuzi-Inanna songs, ser. Bar Ilan studies in Near Eastern langages and culture (Ramat-Gan: Bar Ilan University Press., 1999), pp. 247–56.

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  15. For nude representations of Aphrodite from the eighth to sixth centuries, see R. M. Ammerman, “The Naked Standing Goddess: A Group of Archaic Terracotta Figurines from Paestum,” American Journal of Archaeology 95 (1991), pp. 203–30. For a historical review of the female nude in Greek literature and art, see C. M. Havelock, The Aphrodite of Knidos and her Successors (Ann Arbor, Michigan: University of Michigan Press, 1995), pp. 28–37, and Andrew Stewart, Art, Desire, and the Body in Ancient Greece (Cambridge, New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997), pp. 24–42 and 101–4. For Aphrodite's seduction of Anchises within the context of Homeric poetry, see C. A. Sowa, Traditional Themes and the Homeric Hymns (Chicago: Bolchazy-Carducci, 1984), pp. 67–94.

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References

  1. Translations of Greek and Latin literature rarely cross linguistic borders, the exceptions being literary classics themselves such as T.E. Shaw's [Lawrence of Arabia] Odyssey [1932] or William Adlington's Golden Asse [1566] which are known and being read by German classicists. English speaking readers may like Friedrich Schiller's translations (1791/92) of the second and fourth books of the Aeneid.

  2. Some errors in details and minor slips (skipping misprints): Phaethon' sisters (met. 2,345ff.) are transformed into trees Ovid does not name the species, poplars (pp. 34, 69, and 106), because he wanted to enrich the story with another aition, that of amber, into which the Heliads' tears are changed (met. 2,364f.) and poplars do not exude resin.—Semele was provoked “to ask Jupiter to prove his love by letting her see him in the full form with which he makes love to Juno” (p. 39). But does “see” not deprive the story of its point and render it too innocuous? If da mihi te talem corresponds to qualem Saturnia […] te solet amplecti, Veneris cum foedus initis (met. 3,293f.) the natural understanding of these verses is that Semele was to ask the god to have intercourse with her as the god of lightning: corpus mortale tumultus/non tulit aetherios donisque iugalibus arsit (met., 3,308f.) does not tell how mortal eyes suffered from divine splendor but how the mortal body burnt from the ardent god's “shudder in the loins” of the human girl.—p. 76 on Orpheus: “Before Virgil the myth had celebrated his successful recovery of his bride”. This is an error. Phaedrus in his speech in Plato's Symposium gives this account (179 d 2–4): “But Orpheus, Oiagros' son, they (sc. the gods) sent back unsuccessful from Hades, showing him a phantom of his wife for whom he came, but not giving her real self […]” (translation by W.H.D. Rouse).—p. 82, 1. 5 from bottom: “The simple piety of Deucalion and Pyrrha is reproduced in affectionate detail in book 8”, a phrase everybody would subscribe to thinking of Philemon and Baucis, were not F. continuing thus: “and then another narrator, Lelex, describes the hospitality shown by the old couple Baucis and Philemon […].”—Nessus' garment is soaked in his blood and Hercules' arrow-poison (met. 9.130,158); that Nessus' blood itself was “venomous” (p. 95) is not in the text.—p. 100, 1. 3: instead of “his son” (sc. Jupiter's) read “her son” (sc. Venus') or “his grandson” (cf. met. 14,588f.).—p. 108, 1. 4 from bottom: instead of “Phillyra” read “Philyra”.—It sounds a bit peculiar when in the section on Pythagoras' lecture the phrasing “the evil killing of souls” follows on the paragraph which stresses that the Ovidian philosopher teaches: “the soul is immortal” (p. 115).—It seems strange that Theocritus, Idyll 6 should be named for Galatea's appearance in classical literature before Ovid (p. 129): Idyll 11 was much, more famous and influential (cf. Virgil, Eclogue 2, where, however, also lines of Idyll 6 are used); and Ovid himself in telling the story of Acis, Polyphemus, and Galatea quotes and alludes (besides to the Odyssey) above all to id. 11 and ecl. 2 (as well as ecl. 7,37–40: address of Galatea). Therefore, the text should be corrected to: “Idyll 11 (and 6)”. When F. later is talking of Polyphemus' love song (address of Galatea, praise of his grotto, his gifts) it becomes clear that she has Idyll 11 in mind. The reader should be warned that the references to line-numbers in the poem are often incorrect. The reviewer has shunned the labor of a systematic control, but can give a list of those references he detected as wrong where he wanted to have a look at Ovid's text: p. 53, 1. 2 from bottom: instead of “6.59–60” read “6.61–67”.—p. 55, last line: instead of “6.581” read “6.582”.—p. 63, 1. 4: instead of “11.203–5” read “12.203–5”.—p.85, 1.6: instead of “line 587” read “line 688” (book 7).—p. 96, 1.22: instead of “9.151” read “9.158–161”.—p. 96, 1. 8 from bottom: instead “9.204–4” read “9.203–4”.—p. 108, last 1.: instead of “737–8” (book 10) read “738–9”.—p. 125, 1. 13: instead of “7.155” read “7.154”.

  3. Brooks Otis, Ovid as An Epic Poet, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 19661, 19702.

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  4. The expression “section” is clearly not used in the technical sense of a separate unity.

  5. Modelled on Philyreius heros (met. 2,676) in the same metrical position, the end of the line after the caesura hepthemimeres.

  6. Also met. 14,850 f. belongs here: When Romulus' wife Hersilia becomes the goddess Hora, her body is also changed (pariter cum corpore nomen/mutat).

  7. Stephen M. Wheeler, A Discourse of Wonders: Audience and Performance in Ovid's “Metamorphoses”, Philadelphia University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999; cf. F., pp. 106 and 118.

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  8. Cf. Ernst Zinn, “Die Dichter des alten Rom und die Anfänge des Weltgedichts”, Antike und Abendland 5 (1956), pp. 7–26; here; p. 20.

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Authors and Affiliations

  1. Institut für Europäische Geschichte Mainz, Mainz, Germany

    Helmut Feld

  2. Department of Classical Studies, Boston University, Boston, USA

    Stephen Scully

  3. Universität Tübingen Philologisches Seminar, Tübingen, Germany

    Ernst A. Schmidt

  4. Hofstra University, Hempstead, New York

    Steven D. Smith

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  1. Helmut Feld
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  2. Stephen Scully
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  3. Ernst A. Schmidt
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  4. Steven D. Smith
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Feld, H., Scully, S., Schmidt, E.A. et al. Review articles. Int class trad 12, 393–438 (2006). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12138-006-0005-z

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