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References
A. Andrewes, The Greek Tyrants, Londres: Hutchinson, 1956 (réimp. New York: Harper and Row, 1963); H. Berve, Die Tyrannis bei den Griechen, 2 vol., Munich: C. H. Beck, 1954; L. de Libero, Die archaische Tyrannis, Stuttgart: Steiner, 1996; Cl. Mossé, La tyrannie dans la Grèce antique, Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1969.
Politique et Société en Grèce ancienne: le «modèle» athénien, Paris: Aubier, 1995.
Sans aller jusqu'à nier la souveraineté de l'assemblée M. H. Hansen, La démocratie athénienne au temps de Démosthène, trad. française, Paris: Belles Lettres, 1993, p. 346 (=The Athenian democracy in the age of Demosthenes: structure, principles, and ideology, Oxford: Blackwell, 1991, p. 303), accorde cependant au tribunal populaire le rôle le plus important au IVème siècle et en fait «le véritable organe souverain de gouvernement».
References
The Greek historian Dionysius of Halicarnassus framed the question of Etruscan origins some 2,000 years ago. He provided a critical treatment of the reports in the ancient sources. Competing versions were grouped into two main camps: (1) The Etruscans came to Italy from Lydia; (2) The Etruscans were indigenous to Italy. Dionysius himself thought that the evidence favored position (2). 18th and 19th century notables such as Nicolas Fréret, B. G. Niebuhr and Theodor Mommsen debated the Etruscan question with considerable vigor (D. Briquel, La Civilisation Étrusque [Paris 1999]: 67–70). The result was the emergence of a third response: (3) The Etruscans migrated to Italy from the alpine regions of the north. Led by the brilliant Etruscologist, Massimo Pallottino (L'origine degli Etruschi [Roma 1947]), many 20th century scholars deflected the question of origins and focused more narrowly on the material development of Etruscan civilization from its antecedents in the Villanovan and the Proto-Villanovan cultures of prehistoric Italy. Recently, however, Helmut Rix (“Etrusco tra l'Italia e il mondo mediterraneo,” in: L'Italia e il mediterraneo antico. Atti del Convegno della Società Italiana di Glottologia (Fisciano-Amalfi-Raito, 4–5–6 novembre 1993) [Pisa 1993]: 119–138) and Carlo de Simone (I Tirreni a Lemnos. Evidenza linguistica e tradizioni storiche [Firenze 1996]) steered the debate back to the question of origins, but from the perspective of comparative linguistics. They attempt to reconcile the linguistic position of Etruscan with the archaeological record and the historical sources.
Beekes claims (pg. 2) that most scholars—except for those in Italy—subscribe to the idea that the Etruscan homeland was located in Asia Minor. I'm not sure how accurate this assessment is outside of linguistic circles. Beekes does not cite sources.
The Lemnos inscription is composed in a language that shares some features of vocabulary and inflectional morphology with Etruscan. These similarities are discussed in L. Agostiniani, “Sull' Etrusco della Stele di Lemno e su alcuni aspetti del consonantismo etrusco,” Archivio Glottologico Italiano 71 (1986): 15–46, C. de Simone, “La Stele di Lemnos,” in: Giovanni Pugliese Carratelli (ed.), Rasenna. Storia e civiltà degli Etruschi (Milano 1986): 723–725 and H. Rix, “Eine morphosyntaktische Übereinstimmung zwischen Etruskisch und Lemnisch: Die Datierungsformel,” in: Manfred Mayrhofer (ed.), Studien zur Sprachwissenschaft und Kulturkunde: Gedenkschrift für Wilhelm Brandenstein (1898–1967) (Innsbruck 1968): 213–222.
D. Steinbauer, Neues Handbuch des Etruskischen (St. Katherinen 1999): 366–386 includes a list of words that may be shared by Etruscan and Lydian. I comment on the list in paragraph 5.
See note 4. D. Steinbauer, Neues Handbuch des Etruskischen (St. Katherinen 1999): 366–386 includes a list of words that may be shared by Etruscan and Lydian. I comment on the list in paragraph 5.
Beekes (pg. 33) claims that Etruria cannot be a ‘withdrawal’ area. He thinks that if Etruscans had settled in Etruria before the arrival of Indo-Europeans, Indo-Europeans would surely have taken this territory for themselves because it was such prime real estate. But if Tuscany was so desirable, why didn't Indo-Europeans fend off the invading Etruscans?
For discussion of the linguistic similarities between Raetic and Etruscan see H. Rix, Rätisch und Etruskisch (Innsbruck 1998) and S. Schumacher, “Sprachliche Gemeinsamkeiten zwischen Rätisch und Etruskisch,” Der Schlern 78 (1998): 90–114.
References
References are to the edition of G. Vitelli, Ioannis Philoponi in Aristotelis libros de generatione et corruptione commentaria, CAG XIV 2 (Berlin: Reimer, 1897).
See the introduction to H. S. Lang and A. D. Macro, Proclus: On the Eternity of the World (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001).
True, readers may refer to C. Schmitt, ‘Philoponus' commentary on Aristotle's Physics in the sixteenth century’, in: R. Sorabji (ed.), Philoponus and the rejection of Aristotelian science (London: Duckworth, 1987), pp. 210–230; but that learned article, as its title suggests, refers only in passing to the commentary on GC.
References
See his major books Siren Feasts: A history of food and gastronomy in Greece (London and New York: Routledge, 1996); Empire of Pleasures: Luxury and Indulgence in the Roman World (London and New York: Routledge, 2000).
Phaidon Kukules, Bϑζαντινών βίoζ καί πoλιτισμóζ 5, Collection de l'Institut français d'Athènes 76 (Athens: Institut français d'Athènes, 1952), pp. 9–205.
A fact remarked both by Kukules, vol. 5, p. 9 and Dalby at his preface, p. 7.
Michael Psellos, Chronographia 2.7 (=Fourteen Byzantine Rulers, E.R.A. Sewter [tr.], rev. ed., [Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1966], p. 57).
J. Koder, Gemüse in Byzanz. Die Versorgung Konstantinopels mit Frischgemüse im Lichte der Geoponika, Byzantinische Geschichtsschreiber, Ergänzungsband 3 (Vienna: Fassbaender, 1993); idem, ‘Fresh vegetables for the capital’, in: M. Mundell Mango and G. Dagron, eds., Constantinople and its Hinterland. Papers from the Twenty-seventh Spring Symposium of Byzantine Studies, Oxford, April 1993 (Aldershot: Variorum, 1995) 49–56. Furthermore see G. Dagron, ‘Poissons, pêcheurs et poissonniers de Constantinople’ in: Constantinople and its Hinterland, 57–73; P. Schreiner, “Die Produkte der byzantinischen Landwirtschaft nach den Quellen des 13–15. Jh.’, Bulgarian Historical Review 10 (1982) 88–95. For a (very short) overview on the topic of food see also D. Stathakopoulos, M. Grünbart, ‘Sticks and Stones. Byzantine Material Culture’, Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 26 (2002) 298–327, here 310–14.
For a number of recent titles on wine see Stathakopoulos-Grünbart, ‘Sticks and Stones’.
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Ecole des Haute Etudes en Sciences Sociales
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Mossé, C., Wallace, R.E., Steinrück, M. et al. Book reviews. Int class trad 12, 138–161 (2005). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12138-005-0014-3
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s12138-005-0014-3