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References

  1. But R. Sealey, A History of the Greek City States, ca. 700–338 b.c. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976), 175, suggested that that is a later rewriting of original acquiescence.

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  2. P. J. Rhodes in R. Brock & S. Hodkinson (edd.) Alternatives to Athens: Varieties of Political Organization and Community in Ancient Greece (Oxford, UK; New York: Oxford University Press, 2000), 119–36 esp. 131.

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  3. Loc. cit..

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  4. The totality of the promised abandonment was limited in 408/7 if (as I do) we accept D. M. Lewis's Treaty of Boeotius: Sparta and Persia: Lectures Delivered at the University of Cincinnati, Autumn 1976, in Memory of Donald W. Bradeen, Cincinnati Classical Studies, new series, 1, (Leiden: Brill, 1977), 108–25: against it, C. J. Tuplin, The Greek Sources, Achaemenid History 2 (1984 [publ. Leiden: Nederlands Intituut voor het nabije oosten, 1987]), 133–53.

  5. By that time Athens' enthusiasm for Persia had begun to fade, and a decree to be dated shortly before the Peace talked of “not giving up Erythrae to the barbarians”: SEG xxvi 1282= P. J. Rhodes & R. Osborne, Greek Historical Inscriptions, 404-323 b.c., (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003) 17. 11–14.

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  6. IG ii2 43= Rhodes & Osborne (above, n. 5),, 22, 15–46.

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  7. M. Sordi, “La pace di Atene de 371-370,” Rivista di Filologia e d' Istruzione Classica 79=n.s. 29 (1951), 34–64. On the common peace treaties, freedom and autonomy see R. Seager, “The Corinthian War,” in: Cambridge Ancient History vi2 (Cambridge, UK; New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 106–19, and Seager, “The King's Peace and the Second Athenian Confederacy,” ibid. in: Cambridge Ancient History vi2 (Cambridge, UK; New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 156–86; P. J. Rhodes, in: P. de Souza and J. France (ed.), War and Peace in Ancient and Medieval History (Cambridge, UK; New York: Cambridge University Press, forthcoming).

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  8. IG ii2 122= Rhodes & Osborne (above, n. 5),, 41. 25–6 (mostly but acceptably restored); Agora xvi 73=Rhodes & Osborne 79. 7–10.

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  9. The speech is dated 351/0 by Dion. Hal. Amm. 4, 726 (I p. 261. 10–13 Us.-Rad.); 353/2 by R. Lane Fox, “Demosthenes, Dionysius and the Dating of Six Early Speeches,” Classica et Mediaevalia 48 (1997), 167–203 at 187–91.

  10. Cf. commentary on Rhodes & Osborne (above, n. 5),, 79.

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  11. On freedom and Democracy in the Demosthenic period see P. J. Rhodes, “Democracy and its Opponents in Fourth-Century Athens,” in: U. Bultrighini (ed.), Democrazia e antidemocrazia nel mondo greco (Atti del Congresso Internazionale di Studi [Chieti 9–11 aprile 2003]) Collana del Dipartimento dell'Antichità dell'Università degli Studi “G. D'Annunzio” di Chieti-Pescara, Sezione di storia 8 (Alessandria: Edizioni dell'Orso, 2005), 275–293.

  12. But an inscription indicates that as allies they could be required to pay a “contribution” (syntaxis, the word used in the Second Athenian League when the Athenians realized that, although they had promised not to levy tribute, they still needed to collect money): Inschriften von Priene 1=Rhodes & Osborne (above, n. 5), 86 B. 13–15, exempting the city of Priene from the contribution.

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  13. E.g. the city of Aspendus (perceived as Greek whether or not it actually was): Arr. Anab 1.26.2–3,26.5–27.4.

  14. Diod. Sic. 17.109.1, 18.8.2–7, Curt. 10.2.4–7, Just. 13.5.2–5.

  15. Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae 8794=Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum 3 814=Smallwood, Documents Illustrating the Principates of Gaius, Claidius and Nero (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1967, repr. 1984), 64.

  16. As early as perhaps 134/3 a decree of the Delphic Amphictyony stated that it was to be valid “unless there is anything contrary to the Romans” (Fouilles de Delphes III. ii 68); between a.d. 185 and 192 Sidyma in Lycia asked the governor to ratify its, decision to institute a gerousia (council of elders), and he replied that this called for praise rather than ratification (Tituli Asiae Minoris ii 175=Inscriptiones Graecae ad Res Romanas pertinentes iii 582)—but Paros, perhaps in 46 B.c., was ordered to repeal a decree unfavourable to the Jews (Jos. Ant. Jud. 14.213–6). On the continuing vitality of the Greek polis, and on freedom and autonomy, in the hellenistic and Roman periods see P.J. Rhodes, “The polis and the alternatives,” Cambridge Ancient History vi2 (above, n. 7), vi2 (Cambridge, UK; New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 589–91; P. J. Rhodes with D. M. Lewis, The Decrees of the Greek States (Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), esp. 542–9.

References

  1. C. Sittl, Die Gebaerden der Griechen und Roemer (Leipzig: B. G. Teubner, 1890 R. Brilliant, Gesture and Rank in Roman Art. The Use of Gestures to Denote Status in Roman Sculpture and Coinage, Memoirs of the Connecticut Academy of Arts & Sciences 14 (New Haven, CT: The Academy, 1963).

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  2. Sometimes Corbeill's gnomic prose becomes excessively Delphic: “Our body is a facial expression” (20).

  3. Polemon's Physiognomy provides good advice for those who fear that their outer bearing reveals their inner selves.

  4. Corbeill notes the puzzling image of male breast-beating on the tomb of the Haterii. Petronius’ “Widow of Ephesus” provides a convenient compendium of stereotypical Roman practice, albeit transposed far eastwards.

  5. Matthias Stom's (1614–50) “Roman Charity” (1622? Prado, Madrid) and similar paintings by Lorenzo Pasinelli (1670), Jean-Baptiste Greuze (1767), etc., must derive from the literary source of the so-called “Micon [or Cimon] and Pero” Pompeian wall-painting (IX 2,5) reproduced as ill. 16. See also Valerius Maximus 5.4 ext. 1, Hyg. Fab. 254.3 (Xanthippe/Micon) for the story. W. Deonna, “La légende de Pero et de Micon et l'allaitement symbolique”, Latomus 13 (1954) 140–66, 356–75=Idem, Deux études de symbolisme religieux, Collection Latomus 18 (Bruxelles: Latomus, 1955) 5–50 offers a controversial interpretation that claimed the elderly male was rejuvenated, was being “milked” into a new world.

  6. Corbeill finds oxymoronic (87) the various comments on epitaphs about the earth as fertile mother and corpse-recipient, but this collocation is common in world folklore: womb and tomb combinations are found in Greek myth and Arab proverbs. Pandora's pithos is easily conceived as a reflex of the all-gifted earth-mother herself. Such pithoi store food for the winter and may serve as burial containers as well.

  7. Swift movement suits the slave, the worker, the attendant, as in comedy's servus currens.

  8. Here the reader may usefully consult Maud Gleason, “Semiotics of Gender,” in: Before Sexuality: The construction of the erotic experience in the ancient Greek World, ed. J. Winkler et al. (Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press, 1990), 389–415; Catherine Edwards, Politics of Immorality in Ancient Rome (Cambridge, UK, and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1993); Gregory Aldrete, Gestures and Acclamations in Ancient Rome (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999), and Brain Krostenko, Cicero, Catullus and the Language of Social Performance (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2001) with my review-essay in Semiotica 144 (2002) 359–75.

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  9. pro Sest. 17 and 19; cf. his own gridlock in self-presentation after the Ides of March at ep. Att. 15.5.3: quis porro noster itus, reditus, vultus, incessus inter istos? quoted p. 139.

  10. p. 120, 135, originating from Pierre Bourdieu, The Logic of Practice (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1990) 59–60, 70–79. (=Idem, Le sens pratique, ser. Le Sens Commun [Paris: Editions de Minuit, 1980] 99–100, 117–134).

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  11. In the timeless words of the linguist Edward Sapir in 1927, “an elaborate and secret code that is written nowhere, known by none, and understood by all” (E. Spair, “The Unconscious Patterning of Behavior in Society,” in: The Unconscious: A Symposium, ed. Ethel Dummer, New York: Knopf, 1927] 114–42, repr. in: Selected Writings of Edward Sapir in Language, Culture and Personality, ed. D. Mandelbaum [Berkeley: University of California Press, 1949] 556).

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  12. Although ‘game’ is Corbeill's metaphor at p. 144.

  13. Suet. Caes. 78, Suet. Aug. 53, Suet. Tib. 31. Caesar said of Sulla, a man no prudent politician would underestimate, that he did not understand his [political] ABC's when he stepped down from power (Suet. Caes. 77: Sullam nescisse litteras qui dictaturam deposuerit). But the Caesar who dictated memoranda at the games and races and failed to rise for senators also did not understand the ABC's of levitas popularis and gestures.

  14. See D. Lateiner, “Blushes in the Ancient Novels,” Helios 25. 2 (1998) 163–89 Domitian allegedly could blush at will—thus turning other men and women's involuntary affect-display into a weapon (165 n., quoting Carlin A. Barton).

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  15. Suet. Tib. 67.3: the new autocrat promises that he nec umquam mutaturum mores suos.

  16. Corbeill's penultimate sentence (167), “How can Tacitus help not [sic] being pessimistic?,” unfortunately and rhetorically states the opposite of what one expects him to mean.

References

  1. T. K. Hubbard, The Pipes of Pan. Intertextuality and Literary Filiation in the Pastoral Tradition from Theocritus to Milton (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 1998), 133.

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  2. L. Watson, A Commentary on Horace's Epodes (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), lists a series of elegiac topoi (458).

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  3. K. Freudenburg, Satires of Rome: Threatening Poses from Lucilius to Juvenal (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 173–83.

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  4. M. Janan, The Politics of Desire: Propertius IV (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2001), 146–63 discusses Cornelia's obsession with the law understood as the sum of societal expectations. My interpretation here was presented at “Elegy and Narrativity”, a conference held at Princeton University, spring 2004.

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  5. This text according to H. Volkmann, Res Gestae Divi Augusti (Berlin: De Gruyter, 1964); me auctore is an emendation supplied to fill out earlier editions, which were too short, and to correspond to the Greek εἰσαγαγών, see W. M. Ramsay and A. von Premerstein, Monumentum Antiochenum (Leipzig: Dieterich, 1927) 64.

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  6. P. A. Brunt and J. M. Moore, Res Gestae Divi Augusti: The Achievements of the Divine Augustus (London: Oxford University Press, 1967) ad loc. and E. S. Ramage, The Nature and Purpose of Augustus' “Res Gestae”, Historia Einzelschrift 54 (Stuttgart: F. Steiner Verlag Wiesbaden, 1987) ad loc.

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  7. The Philosophy of History, tr. J. Sibree, section 3.1, “Rome Under the Emperors” (New York: Dover Publications, 1956), 314–8. (=Vorlesungen über die Philosophie der Geschichte, in: Jubiläumsausgabe in zwanzig Bänden,… neu hrsg. von Hermann Glockner, vol. 11 [Stuttgart: Fr. Frommanns Verlag {H. Kurtz}, 1928], 404–09).

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  1. Anthony Ashley Cooper, Third Earl of Shaftesbury, Characteristics of Men, Manner, Opinions, Times, Lawrence E. Klein (ed.), ser. Cambridge Texts in the History of Philosophy (Cambridge, UK; New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999).

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  2. Anthony Ashley Cooper, Third Earl of Shaftesbury, Characteristics of Men, Manner, Opinions, Times, Philip Ayers (ed.) (Oxford: Clarendon Press; New York: Oxford University Press, 1999).

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  3. Anthony Ashley Cooper, Third Earl of Shaftesbury, Characteristicks of Men, Manner, Opinions, Times, Douglas Den Uyl (ed.) (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 2001).

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Rhodes, P.J., Lateiner, D., Lowrie, M. et al. Review articles. Int class trad 12, 94–122 (2005). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12138-005-0012-5

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