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Phantom state in Haiti: criminal sovereignty and the mercenary remedy

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Abstract

Haiti has become a scenario of convergence between the political and the criminal as a combination for territorial control and security configuration. Using process tracing, we wanted to find what were the motivations for hiring a group of mercenaries with the aim of getting rid of an increasingly authoritarian president. Thus we identify critical points in Haitian history regarding the symbiosis between crime and political institutions, which permit us to construct causal mechanisms to identify that, among other things, Haiti is a phantom state, as we call it in our research, because it has a nominal and supplanted political structure in which competition between different groups who seek to assume political authority has led to a limited, fragmented, delegated and authoritarian presence of the state among the population and the territory. Consequently, we find that the use of force has not belonged exclusively to the state, it has been divided into different oligopolies of violence and the Haitian state is only one more actor in the criminal complex of the country, where state institutions are the mechanisms with criminal organizations to generate criminal dynamics of territorial control and profit. Based on the above, we consider that, as the government of Jovenel Moïse had allied with the strongest gangs and weakened political groups and criminal rivals, the mercenaries were the instrument to break the authoritarian government of Moïse. In effect, the magnicide was the product of a plan to depose the president, undertaken by political leaders in complicity with the country’s judiciary to curb the concentration of executive power.

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Notes

  1. For Beach and Pedersen (2012) a sufficient and minimum explanation is that which takes into account the most important facets of the result and incorporates the eclectic mechanisms, that is, both systematic and non-systematic.

  2. Throughout its political history, Haiti has witnessed the assassination of five sitting heads of state: Jean-Jacques Dessalines (1806), Sylvain Salnave (1870), Michel Cincinnatus Leconte (1912), Jean Vilbrum Guillaume Sam (1915) and Jovenel Moïse (2021).

  3. On a scale of state fragility that ranges from 0 (Sustainable) to 120 (Alert), Haiti has stood out for its worrying levels, with a minimum of 97.5 (2021) and a maximum of 108 (2011) between 2006 and 2021 (Fund for Peace).

  4. In the last electoral year, 2015, the homicide rate was 10 per 100,000 inhabitants (Buró Regional para América Latina y el Caribe del Programa de Naciones Unidas para el Desarrollo (PNUD) 2020).

  5. This criminal organization emerged in 2018 after protests by the police officers’ union demanding better pay and working conditions. The union later dissociated itself from the violent actions of the organization (Asmann 2021a).

  6. The following gangs are part of the G9: Baz Krache Dife, Baz Pilate, Nan Ti Bwa, Simon Pelé, Baz Nan Chabon, Waf Jérémie, Nan Boston and Belekou (InSight Crime 2021b).

  7. The two Haitians involved in the plot are Joseph Félix Badio, a former anti-corruption official at the Ministry of Justice, and John Jöel Joseph, a senator from the opposition Inité party (Beaumont 2021). According to information provided by one of the captured mercenaries, it was Badio who ordered the assassination of the president.

  8. No member of the president’s guard was injured or killed. During the interrogation of the mercenaries by the Haitian authorities, it was established that the guards simply surrendered (Noticias Caracol 2021). Currently the head of the presidential guard and 12 members of the security corps are in prison on suspicion of having participated in the plot.

  9. Former judge Windelle Coq Thelot was fired and charged for allegedly participating in an attempted coup. She met Emmanuel Sanon, the first hopeful to succeed Moïse. However, Sanon’s low popularity paved the way for the former judge to be the candidate to take office after Moïse’s overthrow. According to the mercenaries, her code name was “Diamond” (Noticias Caracol 2021).

  10. According to the Bertelsmann Transformation Index, by 2020 Haiti was classified as a moderate autocracy with weak governance (Bertelsmann Stiftung 2021).

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Correspondence to César Niño or Camilo González.

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Niño, C., González, C. Phantom state in Haiti: criminal sovereignty and the mercenary remedy. Trends Organ Crim (2022). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12117-022-09460-3

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