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Both/And Instead of Either/Or

  • Symposium: Liberals and Conservatives in Academia
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Abstract

On both questions about the political makeup of academia and conservative activism on educational issues, Gross makes definitive causal claims. He postulates a variation of self-selection that relies on political typing of occupations. On conservative activism he argues that moral entrepreneurs utilize animosity towards progressives in higher education to express a populist ideology uniting distinct elements within the conservative movement. As it concerns potential political bias, I argue that self-selection and barriers of discrimination and bias both play important roles in producing progressive academic institutions. On issues of conservative activists’ attention to educational issues, I contend that concern about progressive academics is both a unifying populist message and a realistic assessment of a political threat. I largely agree with the content of Gross’s finding but disagree with the degree the processes he outlines answers these two research questions. I have a both/and approach whereby other factors must be taken into consideration. Ideally future research will assess not only the different factors within these answers, but also which factors have the most explanatory power relative to other factors.

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Notes

  1. While this work does not speak directly to political discrimination, there is a general assumption in our society that religious conservatism is identical with political conservatism. Work (Yancey and Williamson 2012) I have done with highly educated cultural progressive activists suggests that educational attainment does not diminish this stereotype.

  2. It was also pointed out to me that some schools have an incentive to increase the number of applicants to raise their potential rejection rate. This rejection rate would be valuable in building the prestige of the departments. This is not a factor in my own department, but it is a reasonable argument for understanding the interest of DGSs at the most elite graduate schools.

  3. While political discrimination is likely a feature within academia, it should be noted that such discrimination may not be the most relevant dimension of bias. My research (Yancey 2011) suggests that academics are more willing to erect barriers based on religious identity than political ideology. Other research indicates that social conservatives tend to find themselves underemployed in academic positions (Rothman and Robert Lichter 2009). Social conservatives can be conceptualized as connected to religious conservatism. I suspect that if Gross had focused his audit study on an examination of religious bias that he would have obtained a different result, Indeed, future research on bias in academia needs to be focused less on the potential of political discrimination and more on religious barriers.

  4. The accusations that motivated the inquiry were ultimately found to be baseless.

  5. This was quite obvious in some of the responses of a blog I wrote on this topic titled “The Left’s War on Science” (http://www.patheos.com/blogs/blackwhiteandgray/2012/07/the-lefts-war-on-science/). Some of the comments did go to the methodological aspects of the study but criticism based on Regenrus religious faith is obviously an ad hominem attack not directed at the merits of the study. But such attacks have value in substantiating that the anti-conservative bias in academics can lead to bias irrational actions, such as dismissing research that does not fulfill progressive political goals.

  6. An argument that the desire to maintain this political paradigm shapes research into same-sex parenting could be made when we realized that researchers on the topic of the raising of children by homosexuals tend themselves to be self-identified homosexuals (Abbott 2012).

  7. In addition to the inadequate sample size such work also tends to be flawed by poor assessment measures, lack of accounting of suppressor variables, and inappropriate reference groups (Allen and Douglas 2012, Lerner and Nagai 2001, Marks 2012).

  8. To be fair there is one study by Rosenfeld (2010) that overcomes a lot of the previous weaknesses of other work, and it indicates no difference between same-sex parenting and different-sex parenting. However, Allen has argued that his sample was needlessly reduced and in a full sample he did find that children in same-sex households were significantly likely to have negative educational outcomes. Allen (2013) replicated his finding with a Canadian sample strengthening his argument that same-sex parenting is not identical to different-sex parenting.

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Correspondence to George Yancey.

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Yancey, G. Both/And Instead of Either/Or. Soc 52, 23–27 (2015). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12115-014-9854-2

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