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Murabitat al-Aqsa: the new virgins of Palestinian resistance

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Abstract

In the fall of 2015, Israel outlawed the Murabitat, a group of Palestinian Muslim women using their voices and bodies to protect al-Aqsa Mosque from right-wing Jewish incursions into the sacred site. Israel placed blame on the Islamic Movement of Israel, but this explanation lacks substantially. I argue, instead, that the better way to interpret the Murabitat is by focusing on the Murabitat themselves—how they understood their actions and how those actions related to broader social, political, and religious currents within Palestinian society and the Israel-Palestine conflict. The Murabitat demonstrated both continuity and innovation within the field of Palestinian women’s political participation in resistance toward the Israeli occupation. They framed their resistance in well-established, domestic and non-violent terms. But they also innovated by mobilizing these themes for the specific purpose of protecting the Haram al-Sharif. Drawing together the latent, symbolic resonance of ribat language within the discursive tradition of Islam, articulating their attachment to the sacred space through domestic metaphors, and using the phrase “Allahu Akbar” as a ritual of protest, the Murabitat forged new possibilities for women’s participation in political struggle in Palestine. In short, they became the new virgins of the Palestinian resistance.

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Notes

  1. Since this article is primarily concerned with Palestinian Muslims, I refer to the sacred site in their terms throughout the article. They often refer to the sacred compound as either the Haram al-Sharif or the al-Aqsa Mosque. While in the vernacular, the terms are often used interchangeably, they technically refer to different things: the Haram al-Sharif is comprised of the 144 dunum open area that includes the al-Aqsa Mosque, the Dome of the Rock and other physical structures; the al-Aqsa Mosque is the building at the south end of the Haram al-Sharif. For details, see (International Crisis Group (ICG) 2015).

  2. For details on the Islamic Movement of Israel, see (Nasasra 2018; Larkin and Dumper 2012).

  3. In a few cases, women ran as candidates in local elections. Hamas in the Gaza strip also elected two women ministers.

  4. The Jordanian role at the site is rooted in historical precedent. Hussein bin Ali, the Sharif of Mecca (1908–1924) granted custodianship over this religious function in 1924 to the Hashemite clan of Jordan. The Jordanians have maintained that presence—despite volatile political dynamics—to this today. For further details, see (International Crisis Group (ICG) 2015). This status quo should not be confused with the Status Quo established by Ottoman authorities in the nineteenth century to coordinate the administration and custodianship of Christian holy sites in Jerusalem. For details on that Status Quo, see (Eordegian 2003).

  5. The Qur’anic instance with a similar connotation is found in Al -‘Imran 3:200. Three additional verses use the term in related ways: al-Anfal 8:11, al-Kahif 18:14, and al-Qasas 28:10. In al-Anfal 8:60, the term means to tie up a horse. For a detailed exposition of the Hadith literature concerning ribat from al-Aqsa Mosque, see (Al-Masjid Al-Aqsa 2016).

  6. Mishal and Aharoni published approximately one-third of the pamphlets produced during the first Intifada. Of the 25 leaflets published and accredited to Hamas, 15 include the terms ribat or Murabitun. A cursory examination revealed that the frequency of occurrence decreased with time. For details, see (Mishal and Aharoni 1994; Hamas 1988)

  7. Personal Communication September 2015, May 2015, February 2016

  8. Personal Communication, February 2016.

  9. Personal Communication, February 2016

  10. Personal Communication, February 2016

  11. Personal Communication, February 2016.

  12. Personal Communication, February 2016

  13. Personal Communication, January 2016

  14. Personal Communication, February 2016

  15. Personal Communication, February 2016

  16. Personal Communication, January 2016.

  17. Personal Communication, February 2016

  18. Israel often creates gender-specific age restrictions during times of heightened political tension. These restrictions are generally made public through the press, although tracking precise number and implementation are difficult. See also (Maan News Agency 2015).

  19. Saba Mahmood explains that “The term ‘aura, used to describe women here, is complex and has a variety of meanings, including “weakness,” “faultiness,” “unseemliness,” “imperfection,” “disfigurement,” “and “genitalia.” ... The English term pudendum best captures the meaning of ‘aura used in this Hadith because it refers not only to the genital organs of men and women, but also to that “of which one ought to be ashamed (OED 1999) ... According to this view, all those parts of a woman’s body that may cause embarrassment and shame should therefore be covered, which, in the majority view of Muslim jurists, includes everything except a woman’s hands, feet, and face.” (Mahmood 2005, 106–7)

  20. Personal Communication, February 2016

  21. Personal Communication, February 2016

  22. Personal Communication, February 2016

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Schmitt, K. Murabitat al-Aqsa: the new virgins of Palestinian resistance. Cont Islam 14, 289–308 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11562-020-00450-2

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