Knowing your audience: How the structure of international relations and organizational choices affect amnesty international’s advocacy

The Review of International Organizations volume 9, pages29–58(2014)Cite this article

Abstract

While research has addressed the effects of international nongovernmental organizations (INGOs) advocacy on human rights outcomes, less is known about how INGOs choose advocacy targets and tactics. We combine insights from political economy and constructivism to understand how INGOs come to choose targets and tactics through the concepts of information and leverage politics, first articulated by Keck and Sikkink (1998), and salience politics, or the need to select cases that energize organization members and donors. INGOs select potential targets for advocacy and choose their tactics based on considerations of leverage potential and political salience, both of which are a function of potential target states’ aid, trade, and security linkages with major Western powers. Using data on Amnesty International’s written advocacy efforts - background reports, press releases, and new data on Urgent Actions - we find robust evidence that Amnesty International accounts for these linkages with Western powers in choosing targets for its advocacy campaigns.

This is a preview of subscription content, access via your institution.

Access options

Buy single article

Instant access to the full article PDF.

US$ 39.95

Tax calculation will be finalised during checkout.

Fig. 1
Fig. 2

Notes

  1. 1.

    Uppsala Conflict Data Program (2012/06/03) UCDP Conflict Encyclopedia: www.ucdp.uu.se/database, Uppsala University.

  2. 2.

    Cingranell and Richards (2010) physical integrity score = 0, Gibney and Wood (2010) Political Terror Scale = 5, both of which are the poorest possible grades. Both scales are at least in part based on AI’s reporting.

  3. 3.

    See Keck and Sikkink (1998), chapter 1.

  4. 4.

    Under the leadership of International Executive Committee Chair Peter Duffy (1989–1991), the Secretariat began developing its own means to fundraise, but this is a very minor part of its finances.

  5. 5.

    Beyond emphasizing the importance of leverage and salience politics, we recognize how INGOs can act through information and symbolic politics. When INGOs write extensive reports on a human rights situation in a particular country(ies), they are serving at least two purposes. First, they provide information on violations that might otherwise go unreported. Second, such reports often contain original research and policy recommendations, all of which can eventually help states, IGOs, and other actors formulate responses to human rights violations. By and large, background reports are done for specialist or policymaking audiences, rather than ordinary citizens.

  6. 6.

    The economic literature on home bias – the tendency to prefer domestic goods to international goods – indicates that consumers are highly aware of goods’ country of origin (see Lewis 1999).

  7. 7.

    The Leahy-Feingold Amendment restricted arms sales to Indonesia due to concerns about mass human rights abuses in East Timor, the island that at the time had been occupied by Indonesia since 1975.

  8. 8.

    However, the act can be circumvented in cases of demonstrated national interest; in October, 2010, US President Barack Obama exempted Chad, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Sudan, and Yemen from the CSPA; the act was only applied to Somalia and Myanmar. See Brian Knowlton, “4 Nations With Child Soldiers Keep U.S. Aid,” New York Times October 28, 2010.

  9. 9.

    In 2001, AI’s International Council voted on a set of criteria by which to evaluate economic sanctions. Since then, AI has issued judgments on sanctions, including a 2009 document on the use of sanctions in Cuba (see “The US Embargo against Cuba: Its Impact on Economic and Social Rights” (2009)). There may be compelling reasons why the citizenry might demand sanctions against another country, and states may feel the need to concede to different domestic interests in extreme cases, such as the anti-apartheid movement (Kaemper and Lowenberg 1998). Domestic interests are also a key factor in the creation (or not) of preferential trade agreements (Ayres 1998, Hafner-Burton 2005).

  10. 10.

    UAs first emerged as part of the Campaign for the Abolition of Torture (CAT), a massive, worldwide campaign that increased substantially the demands on the International Secretariat at a time when AI’s letter writing campaigns were still run under the auspices of the THREES groups, standing groups which received coordination via the Secretariat. As demands on the Secretariat grew, they transitioned to the UA model, which replaced central coordination with member self-selection of campaigns in which to participate; see Wong (2012, ch. 3).

  11. 11.

    UAs are now also posted online, but the primary way to receive UAs during the period covered by our analysis was to sign up as part of a national-level network.

  12. 12.

    Based on sample-period panel means for the PTS score.

  13. 13.

    The use of AI-based evaluations limits sample size somewhat. Relative to the US State Department-derived variable, AI-based evaluations are missing in roughly 20 % of cases, due to an absence of AI reporting on particular cases.

  14. 14.

    For background reports, press releases, and UAs, zero observations (i.e., no AI targeting in a given country-year) account for 30.5 %, 66.2 %, and 41.5 % of country-year observations. Zero inflation can be thought of as an econometric nuisance, leading to biased coefficients and standard errors, or as a property of the actual data generating process. We do not propose different theoretical mechanisms governing the decision to target at all versus no targeting (i.e., the logistic regression step of the zero-inflated negative binomial estimator, ZINB) than for decisions about the volume of targeting (i.e., the count step of ZINB). Thus, we have no a priori theoretical reason to suspect the ZINB estimator would be better for modeling AI’s decision making process. However, AIC and Vuong (1989) specification tests confirm the ZINB estimator is a better fit for the data, though the results produced by the two techniques are quite consistent. Results of the standard negative binomial regressions are reported in Appendix 1, available online on this journal’s website.

  15. 15.

    In particular, the US and UK trade linkage variables (r = 0.8) and US and UK foreign policy similarity (r = 0.93 outside of Latin America & the Caribbean region) are highly correlated. When included in the same models, the trade variables and US foreign policy similarity variables return variance inflation factors (VIF) > 5.

  16. 16.

    A standard deviation increase in log ODA from the mean is associated with a 12.0 % increase in the frequency of background reporting the following year.

  17. 17.

    Save for its indirect effect, through suppressing AI’s assessments of in-country human rights conditions.

  18. 18.

    Table 1, model 5.

  19. 19.

    However, both coefficient estimates are positive and statistically significant when standard negative binomial regression is used. Aid from the USA (p < 0.10, p < 0.05) is positively associated with the frequency of targeting for UAs, with a one standard deviation increase from the mean value associated with an 8.4 % increase.

  20. 20.

    Table 1, model 5.

  21. 21.

    The standard negative binomial models, reported in the appendix, provide stronger evidence of a Latin bias in UAs, with the indicator variable significant in both specifications.

  22. 22.

    Likely due, in part, to AI’s past success in highlighting these cases; see Hafner-Burton and Ron (2012).

  23. 23.

    Based on Table 1, models 3 and 5, respectively.

  24. 24.

    George Soros gave US$100 million over 10 years to HRW in 2010 to encourage development outside of the global North (see http://www.hrw.org/news/2010/09/07/global-challenge).

References

  1. Aldrich, H. E. (1979). Organizations and their Environments. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall.

    Google Scholar 

  2. Ali, M. M., & Shah, I. H. (2000). Sanctions and childhood mortality in Iraq. The Lancet, 355(9218), 1851–1857.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  3. Ascherio, A., Chase, R., Coté, T., Dehaes, G., Hoskins, E., Laaouej, J., Passey, M., Qaderi, S., Shuqaidef, S., Smith, M. C., & Zaidi, S. (1992). Effect of the Gulf War on Infant and Child Mortality in Iraq. New England Journal of Medicine, 327, 931–936.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  4. Ayres, J. M. (1998). Defying Conventional Wisdom: Political Movements and Popular Contention against North American Free Trade. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.

    Google Scholar 

  5. Barbieri, K., Keshk, O. M. G., & Pollins, B. M. (2009). Trading Data: Evaluating our Assumptions and Coding Rules. Conflict Management and Peace Science, 26(5), 471–491.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  6. Barnett, M. (2005). Humanitarianism Transformed. Perspectives on Politics, 3(4), 723–740.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  7. Barnett, M. (2009). Evolution Without Progress? Humanitarianism in a World of Hurt. International Organization, 63(4), 621–663.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  8. Barnett, M., & Finnemore, M. (2004). Rules For The World: International Organizations In Global Politics. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  9. Bell, S., Clay, K. C., & Murdie, A. (2012). Neighborhood Watch: Spatial Effects of Human Rights INGOs. Journal of Politics, 74(2), 354–368.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  10. Bloodgood, E. A. (2010). The Interest Group Analogy: International Non-governmental Advocacy Organizations in International Politics. Review of International Studies, 36(1), 1–28.

    Google Scholar 

  11. Bob, C. (2012). The Global Right Wing and the Clash of World Politics. New York: Cambridge University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  12. Cao, X., & Prakash, A. (2012). Trade Competition and Environmental Regulations: Domestic Political Constraints and Issue Visibility. The Journal of Politics, 74(1), 66–82.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  13. Carey, S. C. (2007). European Aid: Human Rights Versus Bureaucratic Inertia? Journal of Peace Research, 44(4), 447–464.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  14. Carleton, D., & Stohl, M. (1985). The Foreign Policy of Human Rights: Rhetoric and Reality from Jimmy Carter to Ronald Reagan. Human Rights Quarterly, 7(2), 205–229.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  15. Chandhoke, N. (2007). Thinking Through Social and Economic Rights. In D. A. Bell & J.-M. Coicaud (Eds.), Ethics in Action: The Ethical Challenges of International Human Rights Nongovernmental Organizations (pp. 181–197). New York: Cambridge University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  16. Cingranelli, D. L., & Richards, D. L. (2010). The Cingranelli and Richards (CIRI) Human Rights Data Project. Human Rights Quarterly, 32(2), 401–424.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  17. Clark, A. M. (2001). Diplomacy of Conscience: Amnesty International and Changing Human Rights Norms. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  18. Clark, A. M., Friedman, E. J., & Hochstetler, K. (1998). The Sovereign Limits of Global Civil Society: A Comparison of INGO Participation in UN World Conferences on the Environment, Human Rights, and Women. World Politics, 51(1), 1–35.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  19. Cooley, A., & Ron, J. (2002). The INGO Scramble: Organizational Insecurity and the Political Economy of Transnational Action. International Security, 27(1), 5–39.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  20. Cortright, D., & Lopez, G. A. (2000). The Sanctions Decade: Assessing UN Strategies in the 1990s. Boulder, CO: Lynne Reiner Publishers.

    Google Scholar 

  21. Findley, Michael G., Darren Hawkins, Robert L. Hicks, Daniel L. Nielson, Bradley C. Parks, Ryan M. Powers, J. Timmons Roberts, Michael J. Tierney, and Sven Wilson. 2009. “AidData: Tracking Development Finance.” Presented at the PLAID Data Vetting Workshop, Washington, DC.

  22. Frankel, J. A., & Romer, D. (1999). Does Trade Cause Growth? American Economic Review, 89(3), 379–399.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  23. Franklin, J. (2008). Shame on You: The Impact of Human Rights Criticism on Political Repression in Latin America. International Studies Quarterly, 52(1), 187–211.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  24. Garfield, R., Devin, J., & Fausey, J. (1995). The Health Impact of Economic Sanctions. Bulletin of the New York Academy of Medicine, 72(2), 454–469.

    Google Scholar 

  25. Ghosn, F., Palmer, G., & Bremer, S. (2004). The MID3 Data Set, 1993–2001: Procedures, Coding Rules, and Description. Conflict Management and Peace Science, 21(2), 133–154.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  26. Gleditsch, K. S. (2002). Expanded Trade and GDP Data. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 46(5), 712–724.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  27. Gleditsch, K. S., & Ward, M. D. (2001). Measuring Space: A Minimum Distance Database and Applications to International Studies. Journal of Peace Research, 38(6), 739–758.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  28. Goering, C. (2007). Amnesty International and Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights. In D. A. Bell & J.-M. Coicaud (Eds.), Ethics in Action: The Ethical Challenges of International Human Rights Nongovernmental Organizations (pp. 204–217). New York: Cambridge University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  29. Gourevitch, P., & Lake, D. A. (2012). Beyond Virtue: Evaluating and Enhancing the Credibility of Non-Governmental Organizations. In P. Gourevitch, D. A. Lake, & G. Stein (Eds.), Beyond Virtue: Evaluating the Credibility of Non-Governmental Organizations. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  30. Grimmett, R. F. (2010). CRS Reports for Congress: Conventional Arms Transfers to Developing Nations, 2002–2009. Washington, DC: Congressional Research Service.

    Google Scholar 

  31. Hafner-Burton, E. M. (2005). Trading Human Rights: How Preferential Trade Agreements Influence Government Repression. International Organization, 59(3), 593–629.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  32. Hafner-Burton, E. M. (2008). Sticks and Stones: Naming and Shaming the Human Rights Enforcement Problem. International Organization, 62(4), 689–716.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  33. Hafner-Burton, Emilie M. and James Ron. 2012. The Latin Bias: Regions, Human Rights, and the Western Media. International Studies Quarterly.

  34. Hendrix, C. S., & Wong, W. H. (2013). When is the Pen Truly Mighty? Regime Type and the Efficacy of Naming and Shaming in Curbing Human Rights Abuses. British Journal of Political Science, 43(3), 651–672.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  35. Hill, D. W., Jr., Moore, W. H., & Mukherjee, B. (2013). Information Politics v. Organizational Incentives: Why are Amnesty International’s ‘Naming and Shaming’ Reports Biased? International Studies Quarterly, 57(2), 219–232.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  36. Hopgood, S. (2006). Keepers of the Flame: Understanding Amnesty International. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  37. Johnson, E., & Prakash, A. (2007). NGO Research Program: A Collective Action Perspective. Policy Sciences, 40(3), 221–240.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  38. Keck, M. E., & Sikkink, K. (1998). Activists Beyond Borders. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  39. Keele, L., & Kelly, N. J. (2006). Dynamic Models for Dynamic Theories: The Ins and Outs of Lagged Dependent Variables. Political Analysis, 14(2), 186–205.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  40. Krain, M. (2012). J’accuse! Does naming and shaming perpetrators reduce the severity of genocides or politicides? International Studies Quarterly, 56(3), 574–589.

    Google Scholar 

  41. Lacina, B. (2004). From side show to centre stage: Civil conflict after the cold war. Security Dialogue, 35(2), 191–205.

    Google Scholar 

  42. Lacy, D., & Niou, E. M. S. (2004). A Theory of Economic Sanctions and Issue Linkage: The Roles of Preferences, Information, and Threats. The Journal of Politics, 66(1), 25–42.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  43. Lake, D. A., & Wong, W. H. (2009). “The Politics of Networks: Interests, Power, and Human Rights Norms”. In Networked Politics: Agency, Power, and Governance, ed. Miles Kahler. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  44. Lewis, K. K. (1999). Trying to Explain Home Bias in Equities and Consumption. Journal of Economic Literature, 37(2), 571–608.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  45. Lopez, G. A., & Cortright, D. (1997). Economic Sanctions and Human Rights: Part of the Problem or Part of the Solution? International Journal of Human Rights, 1(2), 1–25.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  46. Mani, A., & Mukand, S. (2007). Democracy, Visibility and Public Good Provision. Journal of Development Economics, 83(2), 506–529.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  47. Marinov, N. (2005). Do Economic Sanctions Destabilize Country Leaders? American Journal of Political Science, 49(3), 564–576.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  48. Marshall, M. G., Gurr, T. R., & Jaggers, K. (2009). Polity IV Project: Political Regime Characteristics and Transitions, 1800–2009, Dataset Users’ Manual. College Park, MD: Center for Systemic Peace.

    Google Scholar 

  49. Meernik, J., Alosi, R., Sowell, M., & Nichols, A. (2012). The Impact of Human Rights Organizations on Naming and Shaming Campaigns. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 56(2), 23–256.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  50. Murdie, A., & Davis, D. R. (2011). Looking in the Mirror: Comparing INGO Networks Across Issue Areas. Review of International Organizations, 7(2), 177–202.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  51. Murdie, Amanda. (Forthcoming). Scrambling for Contact: The Determinants of Inter-NGO Cooperation in Non-Western Countries. Review of International Organizations.

  52. Murdie, Amanda, and Johannes Urpelainen. (Forthcoming). “Why Pick on Us? Environmental INGOs and State Shaming as a Strategic Substitute.” Political Studies.

  53. Oestreich, J. E. (2007). Power and Principle: Human Rights Programming in International Organizations. Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  54. Pape, R. A. (1997). Why Sanctions Do Not Work. International Security, 22(2), 90–136.

    Google Scholar 

  55. Pape, R. A. (1998). Why Sanctions Still Do Not Work. International Security, 23(1), 66–77.

    Google Scholar 

  56. Peksen, D. (2009). Better or Worse? The Effect of Economic Sanctions on Human Rights. Journal of Peace Research, 46(1), 59–77.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  57. Peksen, D., & Drury, A. C. (2010). Coercive or Corrosive: The Negative Impact of Economic Sanctions on Democracy. International Interactions, 36(3), 240–264.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  58. Poe, S. C. (1992). Human Rights and Economic Aid Allocation under Ronald Reagan and Jimmy Carter. American Journal of Political Science, 36(1), 147–162.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  59. Poe, S. C., & Tate, C. N. (1994). Repression of Human Rights to Personal Integrity in the 1980s: A Global Analysis. American Political Science Review, 88(4), 853–872.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  60. Poe, S. C., Carey, S. C., & Vasquez, T. C. (2001). How Are These Pictures Different? A Quantitative Comparison of the US State Department and Amnesty International Human Rights Reports, 1976–1995. Human Rights Quarterly, 23(3), 650–677.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  61. Prakash, A., & Gugerty, M. K. (Eds.). (2010). Advocacy Organizations and Collective Action. New York: Cambridge University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  62. Ramos, H., Ron, J., & Thoms, O. N. T. (2007). Shaping the northern media’s human rights coverage, 1986–2000. Journal of Peace Research, 44(4), 385–406.

    Google Scholar 

  63. Redfield, P. (2006). A Less Modest Witness: Collective Advocacy and Motivated Truth in a Medical Humanitarian Movement. American Ethnologist, 33(1), 3–26.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  64. Reimann, K. D. (2006). A View from the Top: International Politics, Norms, and the Worldwide Growth of INGOs. International Studies Quarterly, 50(1), 45–67.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  65. Rich, R. (2004). Applying Conditionality to Development Assistance. Agenda, 11(4), 321–334.

    Google Scholar 

  66. Ron, J., Ramos, H., & Rodgers, K. (2005). Transnational Information Politics: INGO Human Rights Reporting, 1986–2000. International Studies Quarterly, 49(3), 557–588.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  67. Roth, K. (2004). Defending Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights: Practical Issues Faced by a Human Rights Organization. Human Rights Quarterly, 26(1), 63–73.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  68. Shawki, N. (2011). Organizational Structure and Strength and Transnational Campaign Outcomes: A Comparison of Two Transnational Advocacy Networks. Global Networks, 11(1), 97–117.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  69. Signorino, C. S., & Ritter, J. M. (1999). Tau-b or Not Tau-b: Measuring the Similarity of Foreign Policy Positions. International Studies Quarterly, 43(1), 115–144.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  70. Sikkink, K. (1993). Human rights, principled issue-networks, and sovereignty in Latin America. International Organization, 47(3), 411–441.

    Google Scholar 

  71. Sikkink, K. (2004). Mixed signals: U.S. human rights policy and Latin America. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.

  72. Stockholm Peace Research Institute. (2010). SIPRI Yearbook 2010. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  73. Stroup, S. S. (2012). Borders Among Activists. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  74. Stroup, S. S., & Murdie, A. (2012). There’s No Place like Home: Explaining International NGO Advocacy. Review of International Organizations, 7(4), 425–448.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  75. Thompson, A. (2008). Beyond Expression: Amnesty International’s Decision to Oppose Capital Punishment, 1973. Journal of Human Rights, 7(4), 327–340.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  76. Tsebelis, G. (1990). Are Sanctions Effective? A Game-Theoretic Analysis. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 34(1), 3–28.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  77. Vuong, Q. H. (1989). Likelihood Ratio Tests for Model Selection and Non-Nested Hypotheses. Econometrica, 57(2), 307–333.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  78. Weaver, C. (2008). Hypocrisy Trap: The World Bank and the Poverty of Reform. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  79. Welch, C. E. (2001). Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch: A Comparison. In C. E. Welch (Ed.), INGOs and Human Rights: Promise and Performance. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.

    Google Scholar 

  80. Werker, E., & Ahmed, F. Z. (2008). What Do Nongovernmental Organizations Do? Journal of Economic Perspectives, 22(2), 73–92.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  81. Winston, M. E. (2001). Assessing the Effectiveness of International Human Rights INGOs: Amnesty International. In C. E. Welch (Ed.), INGOs and Human Rights: Promise and Performance. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.

    Google Scholar 

  82. Wong, W. H. (2012). Internal Affairs: How the Structure of NGOs Transforms Human Rights. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  83. Wood, R. M., & Gibney, M. (2010). The Political Terror Scale (PTS): A Re-introduction and a Comparison to CIRI. Human Rights Quarterly, 32(2), 367–400.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  84. Wu, H. D. (2000). Systemic determinants of international news coverage: a comparison of 38 countries. Journal of Communication, 50(2), 110–130.

    Article  Google Scholar 

Download references

Acknowledgements

We thank Amnesty International, and Scott Harrison in particular, for graciously sharing their data. We thank Michael Widmeier and Marie Chalkley for research assistance. We would like to thank Courtenay Conrad, Julia Gray, Miles Kahler, Will Moore, Dan Nielsen, Emily Ritter, and the participants at the 5th Annual Conference on The Political Economy of International Organizations and the 5th Annual Meeting of the International Political Economy Society for their feedback and suggestions. Special thanks to Jacqueline DeMeritt, Matthew Krain, Idean Salehyan, Sarah Stroup, Michael Tierney, three anonymous reviewers, and Axel Dreher for detailed comments and recommendations.

Author information

Affiliations

  1. Josef Korbel School of International Studies, University of Denver, Denver, CO, USA

    Cullen S. Hendrix

  2. Department of Political Science, University of Toronto, Toronto, ON, Canada

    Wendy H. Wong

Authors
  1. Cullen S. Hendrix
    View author publications

    You can also search for this author in PubMed Google Scholar

  2. Wendy H. Wong
    View author publications

    You can also search for this author in PubMed Google Scholar

Corresponding author

Correspondence to Cullen S. Hendrix.

Electronic supplementary materials

Below is the link to the electronic supplementary material.

ESM 1

(ZIP 225 kb)

Rights and permissions

Reprints and Permissions

About this article

Cite this article

Hendrix, C.S., Wong, W.H. Knowing your audience: How the structure of international relations and organizational choices affect amnesty international’s advocacy. Rev Int Organ 9, 29–58 (2014). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11558-013-9175-z

Download citation

Keywords

  • Human rights
  • International non-government organizations
  • Amnesty International
  • Trade
  • Arms transfers

JEL Codes

  • D73
  • L31
  • P45