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Inflection in Lingua Franca: from Haedo’s Topographia to the Dictionnaire de la langue franque

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Abstract

The Mediterranean contact language Lingua Franca (LF), although usually categorized as a pidgin, is known to display a number of non-pidgin-like characteristics. A number of these pertain to its inflection, which shows (for a pidgin) an unusually high degree of retention of lexifier inflectional material. The present paper attempts to situate the inflectional categories of LF, as well as their exponence, between those that are generally found in pidgins and those that characterize LF’s Romance lexifiers. In doing so, the paper contributes both to the descriptive analysis of LF and to the theoretical understanding of its place in the typology of contact languages.

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Notes

  1. The following abbreviations are used in this paper: 1 = first person, 2 = second person, 3 = third person, Ar. = Arabic, Cat. = Catalan, do = direct object, dom = differential object marker, DOM = differential object marking, Eng. = English, f/f. = feminine, Fr. = French, fut = future, Gr. = Greek, impf = imperfective, ind = indicative, io = indirect object, It. = Italian, L1 = first language, L2 = second language, Lat. = Latin, LF = Lingua Franca, lit. = literally, m/m. = masculine, MCA = Moroccan Colloquial Arabic, n. = neuter, neg = negation, pf = perfective, pl/pl. = plural, poss = possessive, pple = participle, prep = preposition, pres = present, pro = pronoun, Ptg. = Portuguese, s/sg. = singular, sbj = subject, Sp. = Spanish, TAM = tense-aspect-mood, TMA = tense-mood-aspect, Tu. = Turkish, VL = Vulgar Latin.

  2. For example, according to Mann (1993), the preposition fọ̀ (< Eng. for) in Nigerian Pidgin translates such notions as ‘for’, ‘of’, ‘at’, ‘in’, ‘on’ and ‘to’.

  3. The structural variation in LF caused by the first languages of its speakers, which forms the foundation of the proposal to view LF as a pidgin-koine, intersects with other kinds of variation, including those caused by the temporal and geographical shifts in the composition of its lexifiers, the first languages of its observers, the nature of the texts in which LF samples are reported, particularly the difference between literary and documentary sources, and the social status of its typical users. For a discussion of variation in LF caused by one or more of these factors see Cifoletti (1994, 2000), Dakhlia (2008), Selbach (2008) and Operstein (forthcoming).

  4. Camus Bergareche (1993) contends in his article that both lengua de moros (representations of the speech of Moors on the Spanish Golden Age stage) and Goldoni’s “lengua de levantinos [language of Levantines]” represent imperfectly acquired L2 varieties of the respective Romance languages. Cifoletti (2000), by contrast, believes that the differences between Goldoni’s samples and Maghrebi LF may be due to the existence of “una variante locale, un ‘dialetto veneziano’ della lingua franca [a local variant, a ‘Venetian dialect’ of LF]” (15). Cifoletti concedes, nonetheless, that the textual samples are not easy to interpret in taxonomic terms: “Non mi sentirei di affermare d’altra parte che la lingua franca di Venezia fosse soltanto una serie di casi di mancato apprendimento dell’italiano (o del veneziano): alcuni dei parlanti potevano avere imparato nel loro Paese il pidgin a base italiana, ed essersi fermati a quel livello; ma certo a noi che disponiamo solo di documenti letterari appare difficile separare nettamente la loro realtà da quella di stranieri che semplicemente difettavano nella padronanza della lingua locale [I would not assert, on the other hand, that the Lingua Franca of Venice was only a series of cases of failed acquisition of Italian (or Venetian): some of the speakers could have acquired the Italian-based pidgin in their land and stopped at that level; but certainly for us, who only have literary documents at our disposal, it appears difficult to clearly separate their reality from that of foreigners who simply lacked mastery of the local language]” (16).

  5. Cf. Camus Bergareche (1993: 418–419): “El conocimiento moderno de la lingua franca se basa fundamentalmente en dos textos de épocas muy diferentes. En primer lugar, disponemos de los datos que proporciona el fraile español Diego de Haedo en su Topographia e Historia general de Argel, de 1612. […] Además de la Topographia […] de Haedo, disponemos también del Dictionnaire de la Langue Franque ou Petit Mauresque, publicado en Marsella en 1830 para uso de los soldados franceses destinados a Argelia. […] Fuera de estos dos testimonios, los textos en lingua franca son pocos y muy breves. (Present-day knowledge of Lingua Franca is based mainly on two texts from very different periods. First, we have the data provided by the Spanish monk Diego de Haedo in his Topographia e Historia general de Argel, from 1612. In addition to Haedo’s Topographia, we have the Dictionnaire de la Langue Franque ou Petit Mauresque, published in Marseilles in 1830 for the use of the French soldiers destined for Algeria. Aside from these sources, the texts in Lingua Franca are few and very short.)”.

  6. This description focuses on modern standard varieties of Italian and, where applicable, Spanish. The purpose here is not to downplay the historical, geographical, dialectal, social and other kinds of variation in the Romance lexifiers of LF over the roughly two and a half centuries that separate Haedo (1612) from the Dictionnaire, but merely to use the standard varieties as useful reference points for introducing the Romance inflectional categories (“the kinds of categories which are expressed in the grammar”) and their exponence (“the means by which a given grammatical category is expressed”) (Maiden 1995: 236).

  7. The relevance of selected Romance diachronic drifts to the structural features and developmental tendencies of LF is also discussed in Operstein (forthcoming).

  8. See Harris (1991) regarding this term.

  9. All calculations were done manually and are to be taken as indicating only the order of size of each word class.

  10. The source language for many of the LF words is uncertain, and multiple Romance sources for some of the words are likely (see Schuchardt 1909; Cornelissen 1992; Castellanos 2007; Operstein 2017a). Heath (1989: 152) comments on a similar issue concerning Romance loans in MCA: “In some cases […] we may not know which Romance form was the immediate prototype (and […] it is quite possible that the MCA form has a multiple Romance source)”. The language labels in the brackets merely indicate that the LF word is compatible in form with the Romance word listed there.

  11. Due to the absence of vowel harmony in tobgi, Cifoletti (1980: 35) entertains the possibility that this is “una formazione autonoma dell’arabo [an autonomous formation of Arabic]” rather than a direct loan from Turkish; this point is further addressed in Cifoletti (2004: 59 fn. 7).

  12. According to Cifoletti (1980: 35, 2004: 144 fn. 4), this is an ethnonym deriving from the city name Biskra.

  13. On the form datoli, see Baglioni (2010: 432–433). In connection with the forms in (10d), the loans /liga/ ‘glove’ (< Fr. les gants ‘the gloves’) and /liḅa/ ‘stocking’ (< Fr. les bas ‘the stockings’) in MCA are of interest (Heath 1989: 127).

  14. Pertinent examples in the lexifiers include It. panno ‘cloth’/panna ‘cream’ and Sp. manzano ‘apple tree’/manzana ‘apple’ (Serianni 1989: 112; Harris 1991: 36 fn. 13).

  15. Heath notes that MCA borrowings involving names of nationalities contrast a zero plural or collective form with a suffixed singular, e.g. /ṣblyun/ ‘Spanish people’, /ṣblyun-i/ ‘(a) Spaniard’ (1989: 135).

  16. A formal parallel to the range of LF verb forms recorded by Haedo is provided by the verbs borrowed from Spanish in MCA. Heath (1989) notes that, although Spanish verbs are mostly borrowed into MCA in the infinitive form, there is also “a small number of documented borrowings ending in weak /a/ vs. /i/; most of these appear to be based directly on the Sp familiar Sg imperative and involve verbs commonly used in commands (the examples are mostly nautical in nature)” (105).

  17. The only candidate for an inflected verb form in the Dictionnaire is basta (< 3rd person singular present indicative of Sp. bastar and/or It. bastare ‘be enough’), which derives from the impersonal use of this verb in the lexifiers and is recorded in LF alongside bastar ‘suffice’. It is seen in the following example:

    1. (i)
      figure n

  18. The Dictionnaire’s description of (e)star as an auxiliary in its preface may be due to a misunderstanding (this point is addressed in Cifoletti 2004: 43).

  19. It is unclear whether the source of the LF future marker is the noun bisogno (see Baglioni 2010: 142 on the bisogno ∼ bisogna alternation in the lexifier) or the impersonal verb bisogna. The Dictionnaire gives both bisogno and bisogna as translations for Fr. falloir ‘need, have to’.

  20. Derek C. Carr (p.c.) suggests the possibility of contamination with Sp. impartir ‘give, impart’.

  21. The number of variant structures would increase if the LF textual samples from different areas and periods are treated as a single corpus. In the area of pronominal possession, this variation would include postposed possessives of the Southern Italo-Romance type attested in Contrasto della Zerbitana: compare casama ‘my house’ with Haedo’s casa tuya ‘your house’ and the Dictionnaire’s la casa di mi ‘my house’ (Minervini 1996: 250).

  22. Italian of dialect speakers.

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Acknowledgements

I would like to thank Derek C. Carr, the anonymous reviewers, and the editors of Morphology Ana R. Luís and Ingo Plag for their valuable comments and suggestions.

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    Natalie Operstein

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Operstein, N. Inflection in Lingua Franca: from Haedo’s Topographia to the Dictionnaire de la langue franque. Morphology 28, 145–185 (2018). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11525-018-9320-8

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11525-018-9320-8

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