Inflectional paradigms have a base: evidence from s-Dissimilation in Southern German dialects

Abstract

In many varieties of Southern German the contrast between /s/ and /\(\int\) / is neutralized to \([\int]\) before /p t/ anywhere within a word (e.g. \(Post \,[{\rm po}\int t]\) ‘mail’), but neutralization does not occur before inflectional suffixes (e.e. küss-t [kyst] ‘kiss (3 SG)’). It will be argued that the underapplication of neutralization before inflectional suffixes is an example of a Paradigm Uniformity effect: Neutralization is blocked from applying to the final /s/ of a stem so that it will retain a constant shape in a paradigm. Underapplication in examples like [kyst] follows from a requirement that the stem in a derived word be identical to the unaffixed base. By contrast, the German data will be shown to be problematic for the Optimal Paradigms model (McCarthy 2005), since this approach does not allow for a base in inflectional paradigms.

This is a preview of subscription content, log in to check access.

References

  1. Alber B. (2001) Regional variation and edges: Glottal stop epenthesis and dissimilation in standard and Southern varieties of German. Zeitschrift für Sprachwissenschaft 20: 3–41

    Google Scholar 

  2. Albright A. (2004) Sub-optimal paradigms in Yiddish. WCCFL 23: 1–14

    Google Scholar 

  3. Benua, L. (1997) Transderivational identity: Phonological relations between words. Ph.D. dissertation, Amherst: University of Massachusetts.

  4. Berger J. (1913) Die Laute der Mundarten des St. Galler Reintals und der angrenzenden vorarlbergischen Gebiete. Beträge zur Schweizerdeutschen Grammatik 3: 1–231

    Google Scholar 

  5. Bertram O. (1937) Die Mundart der mittleren Vorderpfalz. Erlangen, Palm & Enke

    Google Scholar 

  6. Bohnenberger K. (1928) Die Mundarten Würtenbergs. Eine heimatkundliche Sprachlehre. Stuttgart, Silberburg

    Google Scholar 

  7. Booij G. (1985) Coordination reduction in complex words: a case for prosodic phonology. In: van der Hulst H., Smith N. (eds) Advances in nonlinear phonology. Dordrecht, Foris, pp. 143–160

    Google Scholar 

  8. Clements G.N. (1999) Affricates as noncontoured stops. In: Fujimura O. et al (eds) Item, order in Language and Speech. Prague, Charles University Press, pp. 271–299

    Google Scholar 

  9. Crosswhite, K. (1999) Intra-paradigmatic homophony avoidance in two dialects Matthew K. Gordon (Ed.), UCLA working papers in linguistics 1. Papers in phonology 2. UCLA.

  10. Downing L., Hall T.A., Raffelsiefen R. (Eds) (2005) Paradigms in phonological theory. Oxford: Oxford University Press

    Google Scholar 

  11. Eisenberg, P. (1998) Grundriss der deutschen Grammatik. Stuttgart: J. B. Metzler.

  12. Fleischer W., Barz I. (1995) Wortbildung der deutschen Gegenwartssprache (2nd ed). Tübingen, Niemeyer

    Google Scholar 

  13. Frey E. (1975) Stuttgarter Schwäbisch Laut-und Formenlehre eines Stuttgarter Idiolekts. Marburg, N. G. Elwert

    Google Scholar 

  14. Grijzenhout J. (1998) The role of coronal underspecification in German and Dutch phonology and morphology. In: Kehrein W., Wiese R. (eds) Phonology and morphology of the Germanic languages. Tübingen, Max Niemeyer, pp. 27–50

    Google Scholar 

  15. Haag C. (1898) Die Mundarten des oberen Neckar-und Donaulandes. Reutlingen, Eugen Hutzler

    Google Scholar 

  16. Hall T.A. (1992) Syllable structure and syllable related processes in German. Tübingen, Niemeyer

    Google Scholar 

  17. Hall T.A. (2002) The distribution of superheavy syllables in Standard German. The Linguistic Review 19:377–420

    Article  Google Scholar 

  18. Hall, T. A. (2007) Middle high German \([rs] > [r\int ]\) as height dissimilation. Ms. Indiana University.

  19. Hoffmann, K. (1900) Laut-und Flexionslehre der Mundart der Moselgegend von Oberham bis zur Reinprovinz. Metz: Buchdruckerei der Lothringer Zeitung.

  20. Holthausen F. (1921) Alsächsisches Elementarbuch. Heidelberg, Carl Winter’s Universit ätsbuchhandlung

    Google Scholar 

  21. Ichimura, L. (2006) Anti-homophony blocking and its productivity in transparadigmatic relations. Ph.D. dissertation: Boston University [ROA–881–1006].

  22. Itô J., Mester A. (1999) Realignment. In: Kager R., van der Hulst H., Zonneveld W. (eds) The prosody-morphology interface. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, pp. 188–217

    Google Scholar 

  23. Jakobson R., Fant G., Halle M. (1952) Preliminaries to speech analysis: The distinctive features and their correlates. MIT Press, Cambridge

    Google Scholar 

  24. Jutz, L. (1931) Die alemannischen Mundarten (Abriss der Lautverhältnisse). Halle (Saale): Max Niemeyer.

  25. Kager R. (1999) Optimality theory. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge

    Google Scholar 

  26. Kehrein W. (2002) Phonological representation and phonetic phrasing: Affricates and laryngeals. Tübingen, Niemeyer

    Google Scholar 

  27. Kenstowicz M. (1996) Base-identity and uniform exponence: Alternatives to cyclicity. In: Durand J., Laks B. (eds) Current trends in phonology: models and methods. Man- chester, European Studies Research Institute, pp. 363–393

    Google Scholar 

  28. Kenstowicz, M. (2005). Paradigmatic uniformity and contrast. In: Downing L., Hall T.A., Raffelsiefen R. (eds) Paradigms in Optimality Theory. Oxford, Oxford University Press, pp. 145–169.

    Google Scholar 

  29. Kim H. (2001) A phonetically based account of phonological stop assibilation. Phonology 18: 81–108

    Google Scholar 

  30. Kurisu, K. (2001) The phonology of morpheme realization. Ph.D. dissertation, University of California at Santa Cruz [ROA-490–0102].

  31. LaCharité , D. (1993) The internal structure of affricates. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Ottawa.

  32. Lahiri A., Evers V. (1991) Palatalization and coronality. In: Paradis C., Prunet J.-F. (eds) The special status of coronals. Internal and external evidence. San Diego, Academic Press, pp. 79–100

    Google Scholar 

  33. McCarthy J. (2005) Optimal paradigms. In: Downing L., Hall T.A., Raffelsiefen R. (eds) Paradigms in phonological theory. Oxford, Oxford University Press, pp. 170–210

    Google Scholar 

  34. McCarthy, J., & Prince, A. (1995) Faithfulness and reduplicative identity. In J. Beckman, L. Walsh Dickey, & S. Urbanczyk (Eds.), Papers in optimality theory (pp. 249–384) University of Massachusetts Occasional Papers in Linguistics 18. Amherst, Mass.

  35. Moser V. (1951) Frühneuhochdeutsche Grammatik. Heidelberg, Carl Winter Universitätsverlag

    Google Scholar 

  36. Muthmann G. (1988) Phonologisches Wörterbuch der deutschen Sprache. Tübingen, Niemeyer

    Google Scholar 

  37. Nelson, N. A. (2003) Asymmetric anchoring. Ph.D. dissertation, Rutgers University.

  38. Ní Chiosáin, M. (1991) Topics in the phonology of Irish. Ph.D. dissertation, Amherst: University of Massachusetts.

  39. Noske M. (1997) Feature spreading as dealignment: the distribution of [ç] and [x] in German. Phonology 14, 221–234

    Article  Google Scholar 

  40. Prince A., Smolensky P. (2004) Optimality theory: Constraint interaction in generative grammar. Blackwell, Malden, Massachusetts

    Google Scholar 

  41. Raffelsiefen, R. (1995) Conditions for stability: The case of schwa in German. Arbeiten des Sonderforschungsbereichs 282. Düsseldorf: Heinrich-Heine-Universität.

  42. Raffelsiefen R. (1996) Gaps in word formation. In: Kleinhenz U. (Eds) Interfaces in Phonology. Akademie Verlag, Berlin pp 194–209

    Google Scholar 

  43. Raffelsiefen R. (2000) Evidence for word-internal phonological words in German. In: Thieroff R. et al. (eds) Deutsche Grammatik in Theorie und Praxis. Tübingen, Niemeyer, pp. 43–56

    Google Scholar 

  44. Raffelsiefen R. (2004) Phonological Effects in Word formation. Habilitationsschrift, Freie University of Berlin

    Google Scholar 

  45. Reiss C. (2003) Language change without constraint reranking. In: Holt D.E. (eds) Optimality theory and language change. Dordrecht, Kluwer, pp. 143–168

    Google Scholar 

  46. Rubach J. (1994) Affricates as strident stops in Polish. Linguistic Inquiry 25: 119–143

    Google Scholar 

  47. Russ C.V.J. (1978) Historical German phonology and morphology. Clarendon Press, Oxford

    Google Scholar 

  48. Russ C.V. (1982) Studies in historical German phonology. Bern, Peter Lang

    Google Scholar 

  49. Schatz J. (1897) Die Mundart von Imst. Laut-und Flexionslehre. Strassburg, Karl J. Trübner

    Google Scholar 

  50. Schirmunski V.M. (1962) Deutsche Mundartkunde. Vergleichende Lautund Formenlehre der deutschen Mundarten. Akademie-Verlag, Berlin

    Google Scholar 

  51. Scott, J. H. G. (2006) Dissimilation of coronal fricatives in Swabian German tautomorphemic /sC/clusters. Ms. Indiana University.

  52. Steriade D. (2000) Paradigm uniformity and the phonetics-phonology boundary. In: Broe M., Pierrehumbert J. (eds) Papers in laboratory phonology V. Acquisition and the lexicon. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, pp. 313–334

    Google Scholar 

  53. Tarral N. (1903) Laut-und Formenlehre der Mundart des Kantons Falkenberg in Lothr. Strassburg, Heitz & Mündel

    Google Scholar 

  54. van Oostendorp M. (2000) Wieringse nasaalvelarisiering. Taal en Tongval LLL 1: 163–188

    Google Scholar 

  55. Vogt E.F. (1977) Schwäbisch in Laut und Schrift. Stuttgart, J. F. Steinkopf

    Google Scholar 

  56. Wiese R. (1991) Was ist extrasilbisch im Deutschen und warum? Zeitschrift für Sprachwissen-schaft 10.1: 112–133

    Article  Google Scholar 

  57. Wiese R. (1996) The phonology of German. Clarendon Press, Oxford

    Google Scholar 

  58. Wipf E. (1910) Die Mundart von Visperterminen im Wallis. Beträge zur Schweizerdeutschen Grammatik 2: 1–198

    Google Scholar 

  59. Wurzel W.U. (1984) Flexionsmorphologie und Natürlichkeit. Akademie-Verlag, Berlin

    Google Scholar 

  60. Zinser R. (1933) Die Mundart des Oberen Gäus südlich von Herrenberg nach Lauten und Flexion. Stuttgart, J. Fink

    Google Scholar 

Download references

Author information

Affiliations

Authors

Corresponding author

Correspondence to T. A. Hall.

Rights and permissions

Reprints and Permissions

About this article

Cite this article

Hall, T.A., Scott, J.H.G. Inflectional paradigms have a base: evidence from s-Dissimilation in Southern German dialects. Morphology 17, 151–178 (2007). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11525-007-9112-z

Download citation

Keywords

  • Paradigm uniformity
  • Base identity
  • Optimality Theory
  • German
  • Swabian
  • Realize Morpheme
  • Homophony