Abstract
Since 2011, a new mobilization strategy has emerged in the Beijing anti-domestic violence (ADV) movement: performance art public interest advocacy, consisting of live performances in public places for public audiences (A CDB special report, 2013). Drawing on the social movement literature, particularly concepts of political opportunity and mobilizing structure, framing strategy, and tactical innovation (Political process and the development of black insurgency, 1930–1970, 2nd edn, 1999; Dynamics of contention, 2001), this article investigates the following questions: What was the rationale behind the introduction of performance art advocacy into the tactical repertoire of Beijing ADV organizations, and what impact has this tactic had on the Beijing ADV movement? Based on content analysis of 14 semi-structured interviews with ADV movement activists and media reports, it will illustrate that this innovative strategy relied heavily on professional Beijing ADV organizations; performance art public interest advocacy broadened and mobilized the Beijing ADV movement to work toward improved legal protections against DV, triggered nationwide responses, and improved citizens’ awareness of DV.
Résumé
Depuis 2011, une nouvelle stratégie de mobilisation a vu le jour dans le mouvement de lutte contre la violence familiale de Beijing: la défense de l’intérêt public des performances artistiques, qui consiste en cinq spectacles donnés dans des lieux publics pour des audiences publiques (CDB 2013). S’appuyant sur les littératures en faveur des mouvements sociaux, en particulier les notions d’opportunité politique et les structures de mobilisation, l’encadrement de stratégies et l’innovation tactique (McAdam 1999; McAdam et al. (2001), cet article étudie les questions suivantes: quelle était la logique de l’introduction de la défense des performances artistiques dans le répertoire tactique des organisations de lutte contre la violence familiale de Beijing, et quel a été l’impact de cette tactique sur le mouvement de lutte contre la violence familiale de Beijing. Reposant sur l’analyse du contenu des 14 entrevues semi-structurées auprès des militants des mouvements de lutte contre la violence familiale et de rapports de médias, il illustrera que cette stratégie innovante s’est fortement appuyée sur des organisations professionnelles de lutte contre la violence familiale de Beijing, que la défense de l’intérêt public des performances artistiques a élargi et mobilisé ce mouvement pour œuvrer en faveur de meilleures protections légales contre la violence familiale, a déclenché des réactions dans tout le pays et amélioré la prise de conscience des citoyens envers la violence familiale.
Zusammenfassung
Seit 2011 hat sich eine neue Mobilisierungsstrategie in der Pekinger Bewegung gegen häusliche Gewalt aufgetan: eine öffentliche Interessenvertretung, die darstellende Kunst nutzt und öffentliche Live-Veranstaltungen an öffentlichen Plätzen durchführt (CDB 2013). Beruhend auf der Literatur zur sozialen Bewegung und insbesondere auf den Konzepten der politischen Opportunitäts- und Mobilisierungsstruktur, der Framing-Strategie und taktischer Innovation (McAdam 1999; McAdam et al. 2001) diskutiert dieser Beitrag die folgenden Fragen: Was waren die Gründe dafür, eine Interessenvertretung, die darstellende Kunst anwendet, in das taktische Repertoire der Pekinger Organisationen gegen häusliche Gewalt aufzunehmen und wie hat sich diese Taktik auf die Pekinger Bewegung gegen häusliche Gewalt ausgewirkt? Anhand einer Inhaltsanalyse von 14 semi-strukturierten Befragungen von Aktivisten der Bewegung gegen häusliche Gewalt und beruhend auf Medienberichten wird gezeigt, dass diese innovative Strategie stark auf die professionellen Pekinger Organisationen gegen häusliche Gewalt angewiesen waren. Die darstellende Kunst einsetzende öffentliche Interessenvertretung erweiterte und mobilisierte die Pekinger Bewegung gegen häusliche Gewalt in Richtung eines verbesserten Rechtsschutzes für Opfer häuslicher Gewalt, löste landesweite Reaktionen aus und erhöhte das Bewusstsein der Bürger über häusliche Gewalt.
Resumen
Desde 2011, ha surgido una nueva estrategia de movilización en el movimiento contra la violencia en el hogar de Pekín (anti-domestic violence “ADV”): defensa del interés público mediante las artes escénicas, consistente en actuaciones en vivo en lugares públicos para audiencias públicas (CDB 2013). Recurriendo al material publicado sobre movimientos sociales, en particular los conceptos de oportunidad política y estructura de movilización, estrategia de enmarque e innovación táctica (McAdam 1999; McAdam et al. 2001), el presente artículo investiga las siguientes cuestiones: ¿Cuál fue la justificación subyacente a la introducción de la defensa mediante las artes escénicas en el repertorio táctico de las organizaciones ADV de Pekín y qué impacto ha tenido esta táctica en el movimiento ADV de Pekín? Basándose en el análisis de contenido de 14 entrevistas semiestructuradas con activistas del movimiento ADV e informes de medios de comunicación, se ilustrará que esta estrategia innovadora se basó enormemente en las organizaciones ADV profesionales de Pekín; la defensa del interés público mediante las artes escénicas amplió y movilizó al movimiento ADV de Pekín para trabajar hacia una mejora de las protecciones legales contra la violencia en el hogar, activó respuestas a nivel nacional y mejoró la concienciación de los ciudadanos sobre la violencia en el hogar.
摘要
自2001年起,在北京的反家暴运动中出现了一种新的动员策略: 通过表演艺术进行公益宣传,包括在公共场合现场为公众进行表演(CDB 2013)。 本文利用社会运动文献,特别是政治机会和动员结构的概念、框架策略和战术创新(McAdam 1999; McAdam et al. 2001),调查了下面两个问题: 在北京反对家暴机构的战术中引进表现艺术宣传的理由以及这种策略对北京反对家庭暴力运动的影响。 根据对14个反家暴活动人士进行的半结构化访谈和媒体报告,对访谈和报告的内容进行分析后发现这种新型的策略非常依赖北京专门的反家庭暴力机构、通过表演艺术进行公益宣传扩大和促使北京反家庭暴力运动提高朝着对家庭暴力提供法律保护、启动全国范围的响应以及提高公民家暴意识的方向努力。
ملخص
منذ عام 2011، ظهرت إستراتيجية لتعبئة جديدة في حركة بكين ضد العنف المحلي(ADV): فن أداء المصلحة العامة والتأييد، تتألف من العروض الحية في الأماكن العامة لجمهور العامة (موجز تنمية الصين (CDB) 2013). إستنادا" على آداب الحركة الإجتماعية،خصوصا" مفاهيم الفرصة السياسية وتعبئة هيكل، ووضع إطار للإستراتيجية ، وإبتكار التخطيط (1999 McAdam؛ McAdamوآخرون 2001)، تبحث هذه المقالة الأسئلة التالية: ماذا كان الأساس المنطقي وراء إدخال الأداء لدعوة الفن في تكتيك ذخيرة منظمات بكين ضد العنف المحلي(ADV)، وما التأثير الذي أحدثه هذا التكتيك على حركة بكين ضد العنف المحلي(ADV)؟ إستنادا" إلى تحليل مضمون 14 مقابلة شبه منظمة مع نشطاء حركة ضد العنف المحلي (ADV) وتقارير وسائل الإعلام، فإنه سوف يتم توضيح أن هذه الإستراتيجية المبتكرة تعتمد بشكل كبير على منظمات بكين المهنية ضد العنف المحلي(ADV). فن أداء تأييد المصلحة العامة وسع وحشد حركة بكين ضد العنف المحلي(ADV) للعمل من أجل تحسين الحماية القانونية ضد العنف المنزلي(DV)، تسبب في إستجابات على مستوى البلد، و تحسن وعي المواطنين للعنف المنزلي(DV).
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Notes
Domestic violence refers in the PRC context mostly to three sets of actions: physical violence (身体暴力), psychic violence (精神暴力), and/or sexual violence (性暴力). For an in-depth discussion, see Zhang and Meng (2004).
Beijing anti-domestic violence organizations are often working on several issues relating to women’s or human rights. The mobilization for improved legal protection against DV is one priority among many. In this article, anti-domestic violence organizations are abbreviated to ADV organizations.
C.f. working plan of the NPC: http://www.npc.gov.cn/npc/xinwen/syxw/2013-04/27/content_1793635.htm, accessed 4th May 2014.
A list of all interviews cited in this article can be found in the Appendix.
In this article, performance art public interest advocacy is abbreviated to performance art advocacy. Advocacy is understood in this article as performed by organizations and individuals who exist primarily to promote a common good that extends beyond the narrow economic or sectarian goal of organizations’ members and supporters (Heaney 2007). As such, it refers not only to policy advocacy, but also to the setting of public agendas and the mobilization for public support.
Kim Lee’s role in the mobilization process will be discussed in the following paragraphs.
The socio-political turmoils of the 1950s–1970s and deeply rooted patriarchal traditions meant that early attempts to ameliorate DV in the PRC came to nothing (Milwertz 2003). The PRC is still a predominantly patriarchal society characterized by a patrilineal kinship system and social organizations and patrilocal post-residence patterns (Du 2011, p. 2). The patriarchal gender system of the (Han) Chinese is intertwined with the CCP’s politics. As a result, traditional practices of gender inequality have (re-)emerged in new forms during the post-socialist era (Du 2011, p. 4).
The China Development Brief counts only legally registered organizations; furthermore, due to anti-competition regulation, it is officially forbidden for more than one social organization working on the same topic to exist (Ma 2009, p. 66).
Mobilization refers to the activities of movements, organizations or individual social actors to gain more control over resources that contribute to achieving their goals (Opp 2009, p. 140) Resources can be understood as something that can potentially be used by a movement to further its goals (Edwards and McCarthy 2004).
Cadres are elites of party and state institutions. They can be understood as policy elites. While elites can be understood as those who control large resource pools (McCarthy and Zald 1977, p. 1221), policy elites refers to state actors with some influence over the direction, shape, and timing of policy making and implementation (Skrenntny 2006, p. 1766).
To protect the anonymity of these organizations, they are given the pseudonyms Organization A, B, C, or D. All four organizations are based in Beijing Organization A focuses on women’ s rights issues using new media and with increasing expertise in performance art advocacy. Organization B specializes in ADV legal advocacy. Organization C is an NGO specializing in human rights advocacy, which only started to work on women’s rights in 2012. Organization D focuses on legal aid and legal improvements.
A professional movement differs from a public movement primarily regarding the involved actors. While public movements rely mainly on large numbers of volunteers and the support of the general public, professional movements are formed by (a small number of) professional organizations (Opp 2009).
The affiliation of two Beijing ADV organizations changed at the end of 2010 and they were forced to re-register independently from a supervising state institution.
The All Chinese Women’s Federation (ACWF) was established in 1949 as the official representative of women’s rights and interests and the link between women and the CCP (Liu 2001). The ACWF has branches at all administrative levels. Following the emergence of independent women’s organizations after 1995, the ACWF came under increasing pressure to adequately represent women’s interests. Due to this rising pressure, the ACWF has undergone several reforms (Howell 1997).
The name ‘Injured Brides’ is a translation of受伤的新娘, the name that the activists used to refer to their own activities.
V Day and V-Day are often confused. The hyphenated V-Day is an abbreviation for Victory Day, which marked the end of World War II.
C.f. http://www.vday.org/home.
Kim Lee is a US citizen married to the Chinese celebrity Li Yang, who is famous for his Crazy English language training centers all over China. In the autumn of 2011, Kim Lee disclosed the violent abuse that she had suffered at the hands of Li Yang on her Weibo account. She filed for divorce in a Chinese court on grounds of domestic violence and applied for custody of their three daughters. The Beijing intermediary court granted the divorce, gave Kim full custody of their daughters, and in the summer of 2013 decided that Li Yang had to pay alimony for their daughters [Weibo: http://www.weibo.com/p/1005052254494161; Baidu: http://baike.baidu.com/subview/1205784/6889377.htm?fromId=1654201; (Tatlow 2011)]. Kim Lee’s divorce case, and particularly her public disclosure of DV, transformed her into a beacon of hope for the Beijing ADV mobilization.
Weibo is best characterized as the Chinese version of Twitter. A person would have needed to be a member of Kim’s network—either a ‘friend’ of Kim’s or of somebody who shared or commented on her post—in order to know about her court date.
Red banners are used during official propaganda sessions by the CCP. The activists used these banners to mimic this officialdom and thus increase the legitimacy of their actions. For a further discussion, see the section on framing.
Citizens’ rights expertise refers here to the knowledge and expertise of activists regarding the rights of activists who hold public events, as well as the difference between permitted and forbidden citizen activities.
There is no comprehensive newspaper database for the PRC. For the purposes of this paper, the Apabi China newspaper database was used, which includes 16 print and online newspapers. The Apabi Chinese database and the academic journals were sourced using Crossasia: an academic database that includes 9750 journals and almost 50 million articles. Online media outlets were sourced through the news agency Xinhua Wang (China’s largest news provider) and Baidu (China’s largest web search engine). The period of analysis stretched from January 2010 (one and a half years after the first ADV performance art action) to October 2014 (one and a half years after the last of these events). The keyword ‘Injured Brides’ (受伤的新娘) was used to conduct the searches.
The activists drew on the legitimacy of the internationally acknowledged 16 days campaign. C.f. http://www.un.org/zh/women/endviolence/16days.shtml, http://www.who.int/violence_injury_prevention/violence/global_campaign/16_days/en/.
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Appendix: Interviews
Appendix: Interviews
Interview 1: Beijing, August 2012, Co-Founder and Legal Expert, Organization B
Interview 2: Beijing, January 2012, Founder and Legal Expert, Organization C
Interview 3: Beijing, August 2012, Professor of Social Policies
Interview 4: Beijing, August 2012, Administrative Director, Organization B
Interview 5: Beijing, November 2011, Manager of Press Office, Organization B
Interview 6: Beijing, July 2012, Co-Founder and Media Expert, Organization B
Interview 7: Beijing, August 2012, Resort Manager, Organization A
Interview 8: Beijing, August 2012, activist supporting Kim Lee during her final court hearing
Interview 9: Beijing, August 2012, Injured Brides activists
Interview 10: Beijing, December 2011, Founder and Legal Expert, Organization D
Interview 11: Beijing, August 2012, Social Work Expert, Organization B
Interview 12: Beijing, August 2012, Managing Director and Media Expert, Organization B
Interview 13: Beijing, November 2011, Legal Expert, Organization D
Interview 14: Beijing, November 2011, Legal Expert, Organization D
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Bräuer, S. Becoming Public: Tactical Innovation in the Beijing Anti-domestic Violence Movement. Voluntas 27, 2106–2130 (2016). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11266-015-9610-2
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11266-015-9610-2