Abstract
In this article social movement theory is used to assess the strategic repertoire of a relatively new sector of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) advocating for migrants rights in Ireland. Pro-migrant NGOs are majority community-led and face a challenging political and societal context for mobilization including a restrictive immigration regime, political and media discourse that racializes migrants, weak public support for the expansion of migrants’ rights, and high rates of discrimination and social exclusion experienced by migrant communities. A competitive funding environment also inhibits pro-migrant NGOs capacity to work with emerging migrant-led organizations that simultaneously compete for state and foundation funds. Pro-migrant NGOs in Ireland have responded with a three levelled strategy, namely alliance building with sympathetic public officials and service and information provision to state bodies, campaigns contesting negative media and societal framing of migrants, and networking with transnational NGO coalitions working on immigration issues.
Résumé
Dans cet article, la théorie du mouvement social est utilisée pour évaluer le répertoire stratégique d’un secteur relativement nouveau qui fait valoir les droits des immigrés en Irlande par le biais des Organisations non gouvernementales. Celles-ci sont en faveur de l’émigration recevant l’aval des communautés et font face à un défi du contexte politique et social stimulant y compris un régime d’immigration restrictif, un discours politique médiatisé qui a tendance à marginaliser les émigrés, un appui du public sporadique en ce qui concerne l’extension des droits des immigrés et beaucoup de discrimination et d’exclusion sont endurées par les émigrés. Un environnement de financement compétitif empêche également la possibilité aux organisations non gouvernementales en faveur de l’immigration de travailler de pair avec les organisations menées par les émigrés qui rivalisent simultanément avec l’état et les fonds nécessaires. Des Organisations non gouvernementales en faveur de l’immigration en Irlande ont répondu par une stratégie à trois niveaux : (1) La mise au point d’une d’alliance avec des fonctionnaires publics compatissants et le service et l’information prévisionnelle destinée aux corps étatiques. (2) Des campagnes contestant la négativité des médias et l’encadrement social des émigrants. (3) Et enfin la constitution de réseaux de coalitions d’Organisations non gouvernementales transnationales travaillant sur les questions des problèmes suscités par d’immigration.
Zusammenfassung
In diesem Artikel wird die Theorie der sozialen Bewegung genutzt, um das strategische Repertoire eines relativ neuen NGO-Sektors, der sich für die Rechte von Migranten in Irland einsetzt, zu bewerten. Pro-migrant-NGOs sind mehrheitlich von lokalen Gemeinschaften geführt und stehen einem schwierigen politischen und gesellschaftlichen Kontext für die Mobilisierung gegenüber, inklusive restriktivem Immigrationsregelwerk, politischem und medialem Diskurs, der Migranten rassifiziert, schwacher öffentlicher Zustimmung für eine Ausweitung der Rechte von Migranten und hohen Raten von Diskriminierung und sozialem Ausschluss von Migrantengemeinschaften. Ein umkämpftes Finanzierungsumfeld blockiert auch die Fähigkeit von pro-migrant-NGOs, mit aufstrebenden von Migranten geführten Organisationen zu arbeiten, die simultan um Gelder von Staat und Stiftungen konkurrieren. Pro-migrant-NGOs in Irland haben mit einer Strategie auf drei Ebenen geantwortet, nämlich Bündnisschließung mit sympathisierenden Amtsträgern und Bereitstellung von Service und Informationen zu staatlichen Institutionen; Kampagnen, die die negativen Medienberichte über und gesellschaftliche Einrahmung von Migranten anfechten und Pflege von Beziehungen zu grenzüberschreitenden NGO-Koalitionen, die an Immigrationsfragen arbeiten.
Resumen
En este artículo se utiliza la teoría del movimiento social para valorar el repertorio estratégico de un sector relativamente nuevo de ONG que luchan por los derechos de los emigrantes en Irlanda. Las ONG defensoras de los emigrantes están encabezadas mayoritariamente por comunidades y afrontan un difícil contexto político y social para la movilización, como un régimen de inmigración restrictivo, un discurso político y de los medios racista con los inmigrantes, escaso apoyo público para la difusión de los derechos de los emigrantes y altas tasas de discriminación y exclusión social entre las comunidades de emigrantes. El competitivo entorno de financiación también frena la capacidad de las ONG pro-emigrantes para trabajar con las organizaciones emergentes lideradas por emigrantes que también compiten por la financiación del estado y de fundaciones. Las ONG pro-emigrantes en Irlanda han respondido con una estrategia de tres niveles, a saber: el establecimiento de alianzas con funcionarios públicos compasivos, la disposición de servicios e información para los organismos del estado, campañas para responder a los medios contrarios y marcos sociales de emigrantes, así como redes de coaliciones trasnacionales de ONG que trabajen en cuestiones relacionadas con la emigración.
摘要
在爱尔兰,有多个非政府组织在为国内移民的权利而奔走呼号。本文运用了社会运动理论来评估这些属于较新领域的非政府组织所采用的一系列工作策略。这些欢迎移民的非政府机构通常由国内多数族群人士领导,但他们的工作往往面临着各种社会和政治挑战,比如:政府对移民采取限制态度;各种政治和媒体观点对移民进行负面描述;公众对扩大移民权利不太支持;移民群体感受到很高比例的歧视和排外体验。另外,由于筹资环境比较艰难,而很多移民自己领导的组织也在申请政府和基金会的资金投入,那些欢迎移民的非政府机构与这些移民自身的组织之间形成竞争,所以合作范围有限。爱尔兰国内欢迎移民的非政府机构采取了以下三个层次的策略进行应对:与同情支持他们的公共部门官员建立联盟,并积极主动为政府机构提供服务和信息;批评那些对移民进行负面描述的媒体和社会观念;与涉及移民问题的跨国界非政府组织联合体展开合作。
ملخص
في هذه المقالة تستخدم نظرية الحركة الاجتماعية لتقييم إستراتيجية الإنجازات الخاصة لقطاع جديد نسبياً لمنظمات غير حكومية(NGOs) من أجل تأييد حقوق المهاجرين في أيرلندا. المنظمات غير الحكومية (NGOs) المؤيدة للمهاجرين هي الأغلبية التي تقود المجتمع وتواجه تحديات سياسية والسياق المجتمعي للتعبئة منها نظام الهجرة التقييدي، المحادثة السياسية و الإعلامية التي تقوم بتصنيف المهاجرين طبقاً للعرق العنصري، وضعف التأييد الشعبي لتوسيع حقوق المهاجرين ، ومعدلات عالية من التمييز والإستبعاد الإجتماعي التي تعاني منه مجتمعات المهاجرين. بيئة تمويل تنافسية تمنع أيضاً قدرة المنظمات الغير الحكومية (NGOs) على العمل مع المهاجرين التي تقودهم المنظمات الناشئة التي تتنافس في وقت واحد من أجل دعم الدولة والمؤسسة. المنظمات غير الحكومية (NGOs) المؤيدة للمهاجرين في ايرلندا ردت بإستراتيجية ذات ثلاث مستويات، بناء تحالف مع الموظفين العموميين المتعاطفين و الخدمات وتوفير المعلومات لهيئات الدولة، الحملات التعاونية السلبية المتنافسة ووضع المهاجرين في إطار في المجتمع، والتواصل عبر تحالفات المنظمات غير الحكومية العاملة في قضايا الهجرة.
This is a preview of subscription content, log in via an institution to check access.
Similar content being viewed by others
Notes
Ireland and Irish refers to the Republic of Ireland.
Citizens of European Union (EU) member states have the benefit of freedom of movement under the Treaty of Rome and EU law and may live and work legally in Ireland or anywhere else in the EU without a visa. Similarly citizens of Iceland, Liechtenstein, and Norway (members of the EEA, the European Economic Area) do not require any visa to live and work in Ireland. But for non-EU or non EEA citizens, two paths are available to legal residence in Ireland, securing a job with an Irish employer who has obtained a work permit or by claiming asylum.
The term pro-migrant NGO is borrowed from the work of Statham and Gray (2005) on migrant advocacy organizations in the United Kingdom.
This work draws in part on interviews conducted with the directors of four national level NGOs working on immigrant, refugee, asylum rights, and anti-poverty and gender equality issues. I would like to thank the directors of these NGOs which include the Migrants Rights Centre of Ireland, the Immigrant Council of Ireland, the Irish Refugee Council, the Irish Anti-Poverty Network, and the National Women’s Council of Ireland for their contributions to this research.
This work focuses predominantly on the migrant experience with reference to the situation of asylum seekers and refugees. Labor migrants, those seeking asylum, and refugees although occupying distinct legal positions in Irish society have been homogenized in public and political discourse into one derogatory category of “non-national.” State policies and NGO advocacy for labor migrants is profoundly shaped by this conflation. Despite the obvious distinctions between migrants who enter the state for employment and those seeking asylum, they do share experiences of racism, discrimination, and social exclusion in Irish society (see Loyal 2007).
This research also speaks to issues social movement scholars have raised regarding the advantages and disadvantages of looking beyond beneficiary constituents for membership, support, and resources as well as the need for elite conscience constituents and adherents and the resources they can provide when working for constituents who face resource constraints and whom may occupy a precarious legal status (Edwards and McCarthy 2004).
Koopmans and Statham (1999) argue that the existence of comprehensive equality and antidiscrimination agencies and legislation is also an important factor in shaping the context for groups mobilizing on migrant rights.
Other organizations regionally and nationally based working with immigrant, refugee, and asylum seekers populations include AkiDwA, Cairde, Children’s Rights Alliance, Doras Luimni, Free Legal Advice Centres, Galway Refugee Support Group, Integrate Mallow (Avondhu Development Group), Integrating Ireland, Integration of African Children in Ireland, Irish Council for Civil Liberties, Irish Refugee Council, Longford Women’s Link, Louth African Women’s Group, Mayo Intercultural Action, NASC, New Ross Intercultural Group and Direct Provision Integration Group, Refugee Information Service Refugee Project, Tallaght Intercultural Action, Vincentian Refugee Centre, Waterford Refugee and Asylum Seeker Council, Irish Immigrant Support Centre.
Menz (2008) has suggested that the Irish state cherry picks the EU policies it wishes to take part in including policy on carrier sanctions, biometric data, and the retention and storage of passenger data. Alleged European pressure is then rhetorically constructed to justify the implementation of certain policy tools aimed at securitization of borders and the surveillance of migrants, asylum seekers, and refugees.
EU policy on immigration passed by the European Parliament on June 18, 2008 makes it possible to detain irregular migrants for up to 18 months. The rules, or “return directive” will not cover asylum-seekers, but all those who overstay their visa period will be affected. The policy has been roundly criticized by the United Nations and Amnesty International.
Analysis of the 2006 census, which for the first time included questions on racial and ethnic status, suggests that the number of non-Irish nationals in Ireland increased from 222,000 in 2002 (equivalent to 5.8% of the population) to around 400,000 in 2006 (about 9.4%). Migrants from Poland, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, and the Philippines make up the largest numbers of economic migrants currently resident in Ireland. Nigerians and Chinese nationals are the largest populations resident from outside of Europe (Central Statistics Office 2006).
Ireland had until a constitutional amendment in 2004 a distinctive approach to the issue of citizenship offering citizenship at birth to all children born in the state while, at the same time, making an Irish passport available to the grandchild of any Irish citizen, born anywhere in the world to parents of any combination of nationalities.
The 2007 annual report from the Office of the Refugee Applications Commissioner states that 3,900 people applied for refugee status in Ireland, representing the lowest number of applications since 1997. The top six applicant countries were Nigeria, Iraq, China, Pakistan, Georgia, and Sudan.
Examples of discretionary and inconsistent practice include the practice of the DJELR of issuing stamps normally given to international students to child dependents of non-EU workers. This has led to problems for dependent children when applying for long term residency, accessing third level education and the labour market (ICI 2007a).
Data collected by the Central Statistics Office of Ireland also suggest that a significant proportion of ethnic minorities experience racial discrimination and social exclusion but that only a small number have taken any action and that almost half have no understanding of their rights under Irish equality legislation (Central Statistics Office of Ireland 2004, pp.1–3).
This agency enforces the Employment Equality Act 1998 and the Equal Status Act 2000 which outlaw discrimination in employment, vocational training, advertising, collective agreements, the provision of goods and services, and other opportunities to which the public generally have access.
Ireland is distinctive in allowing non-citizens legally resident for 6 months or longer to vote in local elections. However, political parties, according to a series of studies, do not see the value of ethnic minorities as constituents or candidates and the formal right to vote at the local level has not provided any significant access to political power at state level (see Chadamoyo et al. 2007, p. 451).
The DJELR is also formally responsible for antiracism and equality legislation.
Immigration and integration policies are deemed by the state as separate spheres of policy competence.
National Social Partnership is a formal arrangement in which each government’s policy program is negotiated and progress monitored by a committee of representatives drawn from four pillars: business, trade unions, farming, and the community and voluntary sector. NGOs participate in the negotiations as part of the Community and Voluntary sector pillar and in signing the agreement are eligible to become members of the monitoring committees.
Most activists have had overseas development work experience in Africa and/or Central America.
Two umbrella organizations are also noteworthy. The Coalition Against the Deportation of Irish Born Children (CADIC) is a diverse range of mostly majority-led organizations that were successful in getting the government to step back from mass deportations of children and their families after the constitutional amendment. Cairde is also an umbrella organization which advocates for support to address health inequities among ethnic minorities.
In some sense there exists a division of labor between the two organizations which stems from the original funders of both organizations—Atlantic Philanthropies and a US exchange organized by the Migration policy group in Washington D.C. which helped inform activists involved in setting up both organizations.
The ICI dealt with 10,000 inquiries in 2007 from its information service a rise of 33% over the number of requests in 2006. The organization receives no state funding for its core services relying on a subvention from Citizen’s Advice Bureaus for its hotline.
The MRCI Annual Report lists it financial sources as 6% state; 9% semi-state; 68% philanthropic foundations; 14% other non-state; 3% fundraising events, donations, and income generation (MRCI 2007a, p. 24).
The MRCI assists individuals through negotiation with employers, making representations to employment complaints bodies and the Labour Inspectorate. The organization also aids undocumented workers in regularizing their situation by negotiation directly with the Work Permit Section of the DJELR.
The MRCI is simultaneously pursuing a legal case regarding the powers of the Labour Inspectorate to enter into and investigate the private home.
The final Employment Law Compliance Bill 2008, which was published on March 18, 2008, provides for the establishment of the National Employment Rights Authority (NERA) on a statutory footing with greater enforcement powers than its predecessor, the Labour Inspectorate. However, to date while undocumented employees have been deported, employers found to be exploiting these workers have not been subject to prosecution.
Most recently the ICI launched a series of workshops aimed at educating migrant leaders on communication, fundraising, and social entrepreneurial skills.
Framing refers to the ideological pronouncements of NGOs with which they assign meaning to and interpret relevant events and conditions to garner bystander support and demobilize antagonists. Frames also refer to the actions of NGOs, as encoded in the actions and strategies of groups are messages which can influence supporters (McAdam et al. 1996, p. 341).
Other international legal instruments that these organizations pressure the government to comply with include the European Convention on Human Rights, Article 8 on the rights of the child, and Article 7 of the EU charter of fundamental rights.
The director of the MRCI also sits on the board of the European Network Against Racism (ENAR) a Brussels-based nongovernmental organization advocating for antiracism, antidiscrimination, and the rights of migrants and asylum seekers. Both the MRCI and ICI belong to the Platform for International Cooperation on Undocumented Migrants (PICUM) and the European Platform of Migrant Workers. These transnational organizations also advocate for the adoption of the 1990 UN International Convention on the Protection of Rights of Migrant Workers and members of their families.
Filipinos took the lead on work place rights and the issue of family reunification for Filipino nurses and physicians. African activism is often church based and local level around anti-racist programs. The later example of mobilization has been facilitated in part by the linguistic affinity between many Africans and the host society (see Ugba 2005).
In concrete terms the Irish state has outlined its understanding of interculturalism in practice, this includes recruitment of ethnic minorities to the police force, a review of criminal legislation to combat hate-crime, strategies to encourage participation by young immigrants in sport and the promotion of awareness of the cultures and histories of the new arrivals (see Watt 2006).
References
Allen, K. (2007). Double speak: Neo-liberalism and migration. In B. Fanning (Ed.), Immigration and social change in the Republic of Ireland (pp. 84–98). Manchester: Manchester University Press.
Amnesty International Ireland. (2006). Annual report on Ireland. Dublin: Amnesty International.
Anderson, C., & O’Brien, N. (2006, April 4). Beyond the European social model. EU Observer.
Bacik, I. (2004). Kicking and screaming: Dragging Ireland into the 21st century. Dublin: O’Brien Press.
Bartley, B., & Kitchin, R. (Eds.). (2007). Understanding contemporary Ireland. London: Pluto Press.
Beesley, A. (2004, June 10). Vulnerable women blamed for maternity cutbacks. The Irish Times.
Begg, D. (2007). Immigration, integration and cultural identity. Translocations: The Irish Migration, Race and Social Transformation Review, 2(1), 181–189.
Beirne, L., & Jaichand, V. (2006). Breaking down barriers: Tackling racism in Ireland at the level of the state and its institutions. Amnesty International Ireland and the Irish Centre for Human Rights, National University of Galway.
Boucher, G. (2007). Review of International Organisation for Migration (2006) and Managing Migration in Ireland: A social and economic analysis—National Economic and Social Council (2006) migration policy. Translocations: The Irish Migration, Race and Social Transformation Review, 2(1), 199–201.
Boucher, G. (2008). Ireland’s lack of a coherent integration policy. Translocations: The Irish Migration, Race and Social Transformation Review, 2(1), 1–24.
Brandi, S. (2007). Unveiling the ideological construction of the 2004 Irish Citizenship Referendum: A critical discourse analytical approach. Translocations: The Irish Migration, Race and Social Transformation Review, 2(1), 26–47.
Central Statistics Office. (2004). Population and migration estimates. Dublin: Stationary Office.
Central Statistics Office. (2006). Population and migration estimates. April 2003, April 2005 and Sept 2006. Dublin: Stationary Office.
Central Statistics Office of Ireland. (2004). Quarterly National Household Survey; Equality Quarter 4. Dublin: Stationary Office.
Chadamoyo, N., Fanning, B., & Mutwarasibo, F. (2007). Getting into politics. In B. Fanning (Ed.), Immigration and social change in the Republic of Ireland (pp. 185–197). Manchester: Manchester University Press.
Conroy, P. (2003, March 21). Migrant women—Ireland in the international division of care. Paper presented at the “Women’s movement: Migrant women transforming Ireland” conference, Trinity College, Dublin.
Coulter, C., & Coleman, S. (Eds.). (2003). The end of Irish history. Manchester: Manchester University Press.
Council of Europe. (2006). European Commission Against Racism and Intolerance Country Report on Ireland. www.coe.int/t/e/human%5Frights/ecri/
Crowley, U., Glimartin, M., & Kitchin, R. (2006). Vote Yes for Common Sense Citizenship: Immigration and the paradoxes at the heart of Ireland’s Cead Mile Failte. Maynooth working paper series no. 30, National Institute for Regional and Spatial Analysis, National University of Ireland.
Cullen, P. (2008). Irish women’s organizations in an enlarged Europe. In R. Silke (Ed.), Gender politics in the expanding European Union: Mobilization, inclusion, exclusion (pp. 83–100). London: Berghahn Press.
Daly, S. (2008). Mapping civil society in the Republic of Ireland. Community Development Journal, 43(2), 157–176.
Department of Justice, Equality, Law Reform. (2007). Immigration and residence in Ireland–Outline proposals for an Immigration and Residence Bill: A discussion document. Dublin: Department of the Taoiseach.
Department of the Taoiseach. (2006). Towards 2016 Social Partnership Agreement 2006–10. Dublin: Department of the Taoiseach.
EAPN Ireland. (2007). Fact sheet on the integration of new communities. Dublin: EAPN.
Edwards, B., & McCarthy, J. D. (2004). Resources and social movement mobilization. In D. Snow, S. Soule, & H. Kreisi (Eds.), Blackwell companion to social movements (pp. 116–152). Oxford: Blackwells.
Ehrenreich, B., & Hochschild, R. A. (2003). Global women: Nannies, maids and sex workers in the new economy. London: Metropolitan Books.
Ejorh, T. (2006). Inclusive citizenship in 21st century Ireland: What prospects for the African immigrant community? Dublin: Africa Solidarity Centre.
European Commission. (2006). A common agenda for integration framework for the integration of third-country nationals in the European Union COM (2005) 389 final. Brussels: EC.
Fahey, T., Russell, H., & Whelan, C. T. (Eds.). (2007). The best of times? The social impact of the Celtic Tiger in Ireland. Dublin: Institute of Public Administration; Dordrecht: Springer.
Fanning, B. (Ed.). (2007a). Immigration and social change in the Republic of Ireland. Manchester: Manchester University Press.
Fanning, B. (2007b). Racism rules and rights. In B. Fanning (Ed.), Immigration and social change in the Republic of Ireland (pp. 6–26). Manchester: Manchester University Press.
Fanning, B. (2007c). Integration and social policy. In B. Fanning (Ed.), Immigration and social change in the Republic of Ireland (pp. 237–258). Manchester: Manchester University Press.
Fanning, B. (2007d). Social partnership and the politics of immigrant worker protection. Paper presented to “The unprotected migrant: Mobility, social policy and labour rights in Europe” conference, Tampere, Finland.
Fanning, B., & Mutwarasibo, F. (2007). Nationals/non-nationals: Immigration, citizenship and politics in the Republic of Ireland. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 30(3), 439–460.
Feldman, A. (2007). Immigrant civic mobilisation. In B. Fanning (Ed.), Immigration and social change in the Republic of Ireland (pp. 198–213). Manchester: Manchester University Press.
Feldman, A. (2008). Integration—Mapping the terrain. Translocations: The Irish Migration, Race and Social Transformation Review, 2(1), 1–9.
Feldman, A., Ndakengerwa, D. L., Nolan, A., & Frese, C. (2005). Diversity, civil society and social change in Ireland: A north-south comparison of the role of immigrant/“new” minority ethnic-led community and voluntary sector organisations. Geary Institute, University College Dublin.
Geoghegan, M., & Powell, F. (2006). Community development, partnership governance and dilemmas of professionalization: Profiling and assessing the case of Ireland. British Journal of Social Work, 36(5), 845–861.
Grey, B. (2006). Migrant integration policy: A nationalist fantasy of management and control? Translocations: The Irish Migration, Race and Social Transformation Review, 1(1), 121–141.
Guigni, M., & Passy, F. (2004). Migrant mobilization between political institutions and citizenship regimes: A comparison of France and Switzerland. European Journal of Political Research, 43(1), 51–82.
Hughes, G., McGinnity, F., O’Connell, P., & Quinn, E. (2007). The impact of immigration. In T. Fahey, H. Russell, & C. T. Whelan (Eds.), The best of times? The social impact of the Celtic Tiger in Ireland (pp. 217–244). Dublin: Institute of Public Administration; Dordrecht: Springer.
Imig, D., & Tarrow, S. (2001). Contentious Europeans: Protest and politics in an emerging polity. Lanham, MD/Oxford: Rowman and Littlefield.
Immigrant Council of Ireland. (2003). Labour migration into Ireland: Study and recommendations on employment permits, working conditions, family reunification and the integration of migrant workers in Ireland. Dublin: The Immigrant Council of Ireland.
Immigrant Council of Ireland. (2004). Voices of immigrants: The challenges of inclusion. Dublin: The Immigrant Council of Ireland.
Immigrant Council of Ireland. (2007a). Annual report 2006. Dublin: ICI.
Immigrant Council of Ireland. (2007b). Bulletin. Dublin: ICI.
Interview with the Acting Director of the Migrants Rights Centre of Ireland, June 21, 2007.
Interview with the Director of the Immigrant Council of Ireland, July 31, 2007.
Irish Congress of Trade Unions. (2006). Homes and workplaces: The rights of domestic workers. www.ictu.ie/campaigns/2006
Irish Congress of Trade Unions. (2006). Equal rights for agency workers. www.ictu.ie/campaigns/
Irish Congress of Trade Unions. (2008). Observations and Recommendations on the immigration. Residence and Protection Bill 2008. www.ictu.ie/download/pdf/immigration_bill_apr_08.pdf
Irish Refugee Council. (2007). UNHCR Statistics for asylum applications in 50 industrialised countries in 2006. www.irishrefugeecouncil.ie/press07/unhcr.html
Joachim, J. (2007). Agenda setting the UN and NGOs: Gender violence and reproductive rights. Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press.
Joachim, J., & Locher, B. (2008). Transnational activism in the UN and the EU. London: Routledge.
Kirby, P., Gibbons, L., & Cronin, M. (2002). Introduction. The reinvention of Ireland: A critical perspective. In P. Kirby, L. Gibbons, & M. Cronin (Eds.), Reinventing Ireland: Culture, society and the global economy (pp. 1–20). London: Pluto Press.
Koopmans, R., & Statham, P. (1999). Challenging the liberal nation-state? Postnationalism, multiculturalism, and the collective claims making of migrants and ethnic minorities in Britain and Germany. American Journal of Sociology, 105(3), 652–696.
Kreisi, H. (2004). Political context and opportunity. In D. Snow, S. Soule, & H. Kreisi (Eds.), Blackwell companion to social movements (pp. 67–90). Oxford: Blackwells.
Lentin, R. (2006a). Migrant women’s networks and intercultural Ireland. Discussion paper no. 148, Institute of International Integration Studies, Trinity College Dublin.
Lentin, A. (2006b). Anti-racism in Ireland. In L. Connolly & N. Hourigan (Eds.), Social movements and Ireland (pp. 190–209). Manchester: Manchester University Press.
Lentin, R. (2007). Ireland: Racial state and crisis racism. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 30(4), 610–627.
Lentin, R., & McVeigh, R. (2006a). Irishness and racism: Towards an e-reader. Translocations: The Irish Migration, Race and Social Transformation Review, 1(1), 22–40.
Lentin, R., & McVeigh, R. (2006b). After optimism? Ireland, racism and globalisation. Dublin: Metro Eireann Publications.
Loyal, S. (2007). Immigration. In S. O’Sullivan (Ed.), Contemporary Ireland: A sociological map (pp. 30–47). Dublin: University College Dublin Press.
Mac Éinrí, P. (2007a). Integration models and choices. In B. Fanning (Ed.), Immigration and social change in the Republic of Ireland (pp. 214–236). Manchester: Manchester University Press.
Mac Éinrí, P. (2007b). Immigration: Labour issues, asylum seekers and refugees. In B. Bartley & R. Kitchin (Eds.), Understanding contemporary Ireland (pp. 236–248). London: Pluto Press.
MacCormaic, R. (2007, March 5). Immigration, the issue that dare not speak its name. The Irish Times. www.irishtimes.com
MacCormaic, R. (2008, July 3). Losing our immigrants in a fog of vague intentions. The Irish Times. www.irishtimes.com
McAdam, D. (1996). Political opportunities: Conceptual origins, current problems, future directions. In D. McAdam, J. McCarthy, & M. Zald (Eds.), Comparative perspectives on social movements (pp. 23–40). New York: Cambridge University Press.
McAdam, D., McCarthy, J., & Zald, M. (Eds.). (1996). Comparative perspectives on social movements (pp. 1–22). New York: Cambridge University Press.
McGinnity, F., O’Connell, P., Quinn, E., & Williams, J. (2006). Migrants experience of racism and discrimination in Ireland. Dublin: ESRI.
Meade, R. (2005). “We hate it here, please let us stay!” Irish social partnership and the community/voluntary sector’s conflicted experiences of recognition. Critical Social Policy, 25(3), 349–373.
Menz, G. (2008). The political economy of managed migration. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Migrant Rights Centre of Ireland. (2004a). Work permits in Ireland: A recommendation for change. Dublin: MRCI.
Migrant Rights Centre of Ireland. (2004b). Private spaces: A public concern–The experiences of migrant woman employed in the private home. Dublin: MRCI.
Migrant Rights Centre of Ireland. (2007a). Annual report 2006. Dublin: MRCI.
Migrant Rights Centre of Ireland. (2007b). Bridging visa campaign. Dublin: MRCI.
Migrant Rights Centre of Ireland. (2008). Restaurant workers action group: Exploitation in Ireland’s restaurant industry. www.mrci.ie/documents/Exploitation_in_Irelands_Restaurant_Industry_Dec_08.pdf
Murphy, M. (2002). Social partnership—Is it “the only game in town?” Community Development Journal, 37(1), 80–90.
National Consultative Committee on Racism and Interculturalism. (2007). The National Action Plan Against Racism–A strategy guide for community development projects. Dublin: Family Resource Centres and Partnerships, NCCRI.
National Economic Social Council. (2006). Migration policy. Report no. 115. Dublin: NESC.
National Economic Social Forum. (2007). Improving the delivery of quality public services. Dublin: NESF.
National Women’s Council of Ireland. (2007). ENews Letter September 2007. Dublin: NWCI.
Niessen, J., Huddleston, T., Citron, L., Geddes, L. A., & Jacobs, D. (2007). Migration Integration Policy Index: Country profile Ireland (pp. 106–111). British Council and Migration Policy Group.
O’Brien, C. (2008, July 25). ECJ ruling welcomed by immigrant groups The Irish Times. www.irishtimes.com
Office of the Refugee Applications Commissioner. (2007). www.orac.ie/pages/Stats/statistics.htm
Phelan, M. (2006). Interpreting services in Ireland: Setting standards and establishing systems. Spectrum, 12, 7–9.
Pillinger, J. (2006). An introduction to the situation and experience of women migrant workers in Ireland. Dublin: The Equality Authority.
Pobal. (2007). Press release, www.pobail.ie/en/communityvoluntarysupports/whitepaperoncommunityandvoluntaryactivity
Quinn, E., & Hughes, G. (2004). The impact of immigration on Europe’s societies: Ireland. Report prepared for the European Commission Directorate-General Justice, Freedom and Security and published by the Economic and Social Research Institute.
Ruhs, M. (2005). Managing the immigration and employment of non-EU nationals in Ireland. Oxford: Policy Institute and Trinity College Dublin in association with Compas.
Slattery, L. (2008, December 2) Exchequer deficit set to exceed 11.5 billion euro in 2008. The Irish Times. www.irishtimes.com
Snow, D. A. (2004). Framing processes, ideology, and discursive fields. In D. Snow, S. Soule, & H. Kreisi (Eds.), Blackwell companion to social movements (pp. 380–412). Oxford: Blackwells.
Spencer, S. (2005). Towards a European area of freedom, security and justice? A common framework for the integration of migrants. European Policy Centre Issue 14. www.theepc/ern/default.asp
Spencer, S. (2005/6). Migration and integration: The impact of NGOs on future policy development in Ireland. Center on Migration Policy and Society, University of Oxford.
Statham, P. (2001). Political opportunities for altruism? The role of state policies in influencing British anti-racist and pro-migrant movements. In M. Giugni & F. Passy (Eds.), Political altruism? Solidarity movements in international perspective (pp. 133–158). New York/Oxford: Rowman and Littlefield Press.
Statham, P. (2003). Understanding the anti-asylum rhetoric: Restrictive politics or racist publics? Political Quarterly, 74(1), 163–177.
Statham, P., & Geedes, A. (2006). Elites and organized publics: Who drives British immigration politics and in which direction? Western European Politics, 29(2), 245–266.
Statham, P., & Gray, E. (2005). Becoming European? The transformation of the British pro-migrant NGO sector in response to Europeanization. Journal of Common Market Studies, 43(4), 877–898.
Statham, P., & Koopmans, R. (2003). How national citizenship shapes transnationalism: A comparative analysis of migrant and minority claims-making in Germany, Great Britain and the Netherlands. In C. Joppke & E. Morawska (Eds.), Toward assimilation and citizenship: Immigrants in liberal nation-states (pp. 195–238). London: Palgrave.
Ugba, A. (2005). Active civic participation of immigrants in Ireland. Country report prepared for the European research project POLITIS, Oldenburg, Germany. www.unioldenburg.de/politis.europe
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). (2008). Statement to the Dail Joint Committee on Justice, Equality, Defence and Women’s Rights, April 2 2008. www.oireachtas.ie/documents/committees30th dail/j-justiceedwr/reports_2008/
Warner, R. (2006). The NGO alliance and CERD: How Irish NGOs can work with a UN monitoring body. Translocations: The Irish Migration, Race and Social Transformation Review, 1(1), 164–176.
Watt, P. (2006). An intercultural approach to “integration.” Translocations: The Irish Migration, Race and Social Transformation Review, 1(1), 154–163.
White, R. (2008). Research report: Irish economy. Davy Research. www.davy.ie/content/pubarticles/dotlecr20081204.pdf
Acknowledgments
This research was supported by research and development funds at Dickinson College. Thanks to Professor Daniel Schubert and Professor Brian A. McKenzie and two anonymous Voluntas reviewers for helpful suggestions.
Author information
Authors and Affiliations
Corresponding author
Rights and permissions
About this article
Cite this article
Cullen, P.P. Irish Pro-Migrant Nongovernmental Organizations and the Politics of Immigration. Voluntas 20, 99–128 (2009). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11266-009-9084-1
Published:
Issue Date:
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11266-009-9084-1