Abstract
In the educational sphere, the concept of democracy is used in many and varied ways, though the hegemonic school culture often starts from a concept of democracy that is taken for granted, and it is understood that the entire educational community shares a similar concept. As a result of the research project “Democracy, participation and inclusive education in schools” (EDU2012-39556-C02-01/02) we realized that the above-mentioned concept is used without being accurately defined in the school setting. This observation is what has prompted us to write this article, basically structured in two parts. In the first part, based on the theoretical debate occurring in the field of social sciences, we delimit the concept of democracy and structure it in four basic dimensions: governance, inhabitance, otherness and ethos. In the second part, we specify and examine in depth these four dimensions in the school setting in order to construct a broad and transversal, yet specific, definition, with which to be able to develop ambitious democratic projects and, in turn, contribute to scientific debate.
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Notes
According to other authors, the issue is not the lack of definition of the concept, but the degradation of democratic practices. Thus, Daniel Bensaïd (2011, p. 16) states that popular sovereignty today lies hidden behind democratic formalism, and Wolin (2008) speaks of a fugitive democracy, a mere episodic expression of the legitimate rights of the people.
"Democracy now" and "they call it democracy, but it is not" are some of the most popular slogans chanted in the 15M demonstrations in Spain, just as they were in other countries like the United States, with the OWS (Occupy Wall Street) movement that began in New York, or the United Kingdom, with the OL (Occupy London) movement in London.
We use the concept governance in its most generic sense, of "forms of government", and more specifically to refer to processes, devices or mechanisms designed for decision making. We are not referring to the concept of governance as it has been defined since the 1990s as a "new form of government characterized by the interaction of institutions at different levels and by public administrations interacting and working in network with civil society or private organizations" (Rhodes 1997; Subirats 2010).
Never a complete consensus: from Marxism it has always been considered that liberal democracy, which left economics outside the scope of popular sovereignty, focused on formal aspects (possibility to choose and to be elected) and renounced substantive aspects (under this form of democracy it is possible that the whole of the demos may not be able to decide on fundamental aspects that affect their existence and that frequently remain unresolved); hence, it was considered to be a somewhat less than democratic form of government that must be overcome in favor of the process of emancipation they pursued for the whole of humanity (Marx 1975 [1843]; MacPherson 1973).
Apart from the usual distinction between direct, indirect or representative democracy and participatory democracy, the proposal of "deliberative democracy" (Bessette 1980; Habermas 1998; Blattberg 2003; Talisse 2005), which places emphasis on the examination of public debate and the reasons of justice and general interest, seems especially appropriate for the field of education (for the educational dimension it entails). This model can be contrasted with the model of democracy based on negotiation, which starts from the capacity to reach agreements or establish counterparts based on the power and negotiating capacity of each actor and in which the common good may prove to be secondary. To understand the distinction between the deliberative and the aggregative models (not necessarily liberal), Young (2000), and Hanson and Howe (2011) are particularly enlightening.
His approach based on "capabilities" ties in with the idea of positive freedom (the actual ability of a person to be or do something), instead of negative freedom (the absence of prohibitions).
Nussbaum identifies ten core capabilities, which have to do with (1) longevity, (2) physical health, (3) physical integrity, (4) the senses, imagination and thought, (5) emotions, (6) practical reason, (7) membership, (8) the relationship with other species, (9) play, and lastly, (10) control over one's environment. (Nussbaum 2011: pp. 52–55). Of these ten core capabilities identified by Nussbaum, governance covers only certain aspects, while the remainder refer to inhabitance and otherness. (Nussbaum 2011: pp. 33–35).
Talking about citizenry is not easy, because this concept depends, in part, on the political project and the ideology that supports it.
Primarily based on the work of Taguieff (1990). In Spain, San Román (1996) includes many of the contributions of the French philosopher, and Carbonell (2000), has effectively transferred them to the field of education. Serra (2002) exposes the criticism to the first multiculturalism and presents the basic axes of critical multiculturalism and interculturalism. Authors like Delgado (2003) move away from the optimism or possibilism of others, and continue to raise profound criticism of both multicultural and intercultural approaches.
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This article is part of the research project “Democracy, participation and inclusive education in primary schools” (EDU2012-39556-C02-01/02) carried out by the research team Democracy and Education: Demoskole, and funded by the Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness from the Spanish Government.
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Feu, J., Serra, C., Canimas, J. et al. Democracy and Education: A Theoretical Proposal for the Analysis of Democratic Practices in Schools. Stud Philos Educ 36, 647–661 (2017). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11217-017-9570-7
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11217-017-9570-7