Abstract
Malagasy ‘players’—farmers, middle men, organic organisations and policy makers—see in export-orientated organic agriculture a way for Madagascar to build upon its historic export strengths: spices, essential oils, medicinal plants and tropical fruits. They point to the de facto organic status of most farming in the country and view organic production strategies as a means for Malagasy farmers to differentiate their produce in the highly competitive world market (Ramboatiana and Randriamanantena 2000; Randriamanantena 1998; Vallée 2000). However, producing for the export market poses significant challenges for Malagasy farmers. Despite its apparent ‘fit’ with existing farming practice, ‘true’ certified organic practice does not necessarily offer a means towards achieving a Malagasy farmer-defined ‘good life’. Smallholders can be disempowered through their incorporation into wider systemic relationships whose more powerful actors—such as buyers and consumers—and their ‘rules’ about what ‘organic’ is, for example, are necessarily unfamiliar. Yet farmers are very interested in the significant opportunities for much-needed cash that organic farming offers. This paper argues that strengthening farmer agency, and thus their presence as actors in international food chains, can be partially achieved if farmers are involved in devising the rules for organic and social certification. I set out eight principles that I have developed which seem important when trying to capture and measure ‘quality of life’ for the purposes of social certification. My theoretical and empirical work, detailed here, is set within a methodological discussion on how to best ensure that research is ‘respondent-led’. Respondent-led research is, I argue, critical for ensuring that an understanding of the components of ‘quality of life’, and their operationalisation as standards and indicators, is truly meaningful to the target group.

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Notes
According to the ‘Principal Aims of Organic Production and Processing’ in the IFOAM Basic Standards 2002 [which was valid at the time of research], IFOAM aims (1) to recognise the wider social and ecological impact of and within the organic production and processing system, (2) to provide everyone involved in organic farming and processing with a quality of life that satisfies their basic needs, within a safe, secure and healthy working environment, and (3) to support the establishment of an entire production, processing and distribution chain which is both socially just and ecologically responsible.
Horticultural commodity chains are typically ‘buyer-led’: retailers exert significant control over all aspects of the chain. See Gereffi 1999, for a conceptual framework of global commodity chains, and Barrientos et al. 2003 for a discussion on how just-in-time production methods, adopted by retailers, pass the costs of demand instability to producers. This drives labour costs down and avoids many of the non-wage costs of employment. Informal, highly gendered work arrangements are the norm in many horticultural chains.
My research in the UK with a community group showed how swiftly a particular group grasped the potential of chapatti (venn) diagrams to indicate their perceived exclusion from decision-making processes. They also clearly understood that they could use us, the researchers, to convey their grievances to other parties rather than having to speak for themselves—simply because they realised we would present our ‘findings’ at some point to various decision-makers (Farnworth 1998). This experience strongly influenced my desire to employ local researchers in Madagascar, but as shown this decision raised new issues.
This has tremendous implications for social certification and social labelling initiatives, among others.
Quote from a poem ‘Ambulances’ by Larkin (in Jones 1999, p. 134).
Naess (1973) bases his ideas in part upon gestalt theory. He insists upon ‘rejection of the man-in-environment image in favour of the relational, total field image. Organisms as knots in the biospherical net or field of intrinsic relations. An instrinsic relation between two things A and B is such that the relation belongs to the definitions or basic constituents of A and B, so that without the relation, A and B are no longer the same things.’
The fieldwork took a year to plan. It was necessary to learn about the organic landscape in Madagascar: government policy, the local and export markets, the organisations and individuals involved, the location of organic farms and plantations, climatic factors and, once willing project partners had been identified, several preparatory visits to the research areas with partners. The research team was put together with the help of Dr. Karen Freudenberger, who has written widely on the use of participatory methodology. Living on the island, she was able to help me find a team member with whom she had worked extensively. Another team member had lived in the research area for several years, and was therefore proficient in the local dialect. As she was older she was critical in enabling us to gain the respect of respondents. Finally, our driver became a team member due to his obvious ability interact well with respondents. He supported the other male team member and joined all our debriefing sessions, which we conducted each evening. The fieldwork itself took 2 months.
It would be interesting to compare the thematic apperception test approach with that of photo elicitation interviews (Epstein et al. 2006 for a useful sample text).
Ekejiuba (in Bryceson 1995) discusses a range of studies elsewhere in Africa that show how women manipulate the gender of division of labour in their own interests. She describes the case of her maternal aunt in Nigeria who emerged from a ‘failed’ childless marriage. The aunt was discouraged from remarrying, but in time she married another woman, who, in time, produced four sons. The aunt also produced a son of her own. In this way the women’s access to various resources was enabled.
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Farnworth, C.R. Well-Being is a Process of Becoming: Respondent-Led Research With Organic Farmers in Madagascar. Soc Indic Res 90, 89–106 (2009). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11205-008-9314-8
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11205-008-9314-8


