Abstract
What accounts for the resurgence of religion in Muslim countries that pursue strict secularization policies? Theories of religious resurgence have emphasized secular differentiation, religious growth, and pietist agency as animating sources behind politically engaged religions. Extending this work, I advance a typology of strategies oppositional actors employ to produce and sustain religious politics. I ground my approach in the study of Islamic resurgence in Turkey during the twentieth century. Drawing on published primary sources, secondary historiography, and multi-sited fieldwork, the analysis shows that Turkish Islamists spearheaded successful resurgence not only by capitalizing on exogenous “opportunities” that punctuated the “repressive” pathway but, more importantly, by pursuing endogenous institutional change. Even though secularizing agents restricted the religious field’s autonomy, dissidents avoided open confrontation with the state. Instead, they positioned themselves within official institutions (embedding, layering), changed their logic (conversion), and supplemented these institutions with alternative ones (substitution). As a result, religious actors turned Islam into an ideological counterattack on the regime’s secular institutions. These insights can be extended to religious mobilizations throughout the Muslim world as well as to non-religious social struggles beyond it.
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20 April 2023
A Correction to this paper has been published: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11186-023-09515-6
Notes
For this article, I define religious resurgence as the emergence of politically engaged religious movements. In contrast to Muslims who are concerned with adhering to mystical traditions or with perfecting pietistic practices, often by withdrawing from the world, activists who drive religious resurgence can be defined as intentionally political, organizing both within the social realm to strengthen religion’s presence in public life and within the political realm to align the state’s legal foundation with divine law.
By religious field, scholars refer to an institutional arena of competition among elite and nonelite members as it pertains to the legitimate power to define orthodoxy and orthopraxy. This formulation is generally attributed to Bourdieu (1991, pp. 5–9;), which I follow here. See also Edgell (2012, p. 251).
I employ the term political field in line with Bourdieu’s concept of a field as a historically defined social space of positions and alliances in which actors compete for power (Bourdieu, 1979, pp. 79–80).
This process is driven not only by the emergence of the post-Westphalian order (1648) that established new norms of church-state relations and the sovereign state as the main form of polity (Philpott, 2001, pp. 71–72), but more broadly the modern state’s expanding capabilities such as raising taxes and troops to fund bureaucracies and war that contributed to its triumph over rival authorities, including the religious ones, and allowed the state to assume their functions in taxation, jurisdiction, education, and welfare. For an extensive literature on economic, political, and symbolic reorganization of state power, see Anderson (2013); Loveman (2005); Mann (1986); Tilly (1992).
In the Turkish case, some authors such as Büyükokutan (2018), Tuğal (2009a, 2017), and White (2002), have been concerned with micro–level dynamics of the religious field, although not necessarily with the changing capacity of religious actors and institutions over the longue durée. Others, like Altınordu (2010), pay attention to religion’s entanglement with politics but explicitly focus on religious political parties rather than the broader religious field and resurgence.
Some observers may find religious growth a restricted model for analyzing the Muslim world, because drawing on the religious economies idea, it is explicitly concerned with debates about secularization in the United States. While this is true at one level, it is not at another. For one thing, it would be inaccurate to suggest that this view has been only concerned with social changes in the US. At least parts of the model have been appropriated by scholars to explain religious resurgence across a variety of cases such as China (Sun, 2017), Brazil (Chesnut, 2003), Italy (Introvigne & Stark, 2005), Turkey (Introvigne, 2006) and even the Islamic world more broadly (Gill, 2003). Second, given the convergence of religious growth across the globe, it is not unusual to ask whether one can bring a well-known model to bear on Muslim societies. To be clear, my intention is not to engage in a lengthy critique of available theoretical tools but to draw from them to explain the case at hand.
It is important to note that I arrived at these four strategies inductively. Based on the archival and ethnographic work I discuss below, I constructed four dominant strategies through which actors drove resurgence. The two of these, layering and conversion, are already well-identified in the institutionalist scholarship, especially in the work of Thelen and her colleagues. This scholarship also provides other strategies such as drift, exhaustion, or displacement (Mahoney & Thelen, 2010, pp. 17–18; Streeck & Thelen, 2005, p. 31) which were not observed in my case. In fact, the case studies in Streeck and Thelen (2005) show that one need not expect every strategy to play out in every case. Moreover, the two additional strategies that I termed embedding and substitution emerged during fieldwork, which, to my knowledge, are strategies that Thelen et. al have not theorized.
In 1934, Leon Trotsky advised followers to enter the French Socialist Party to overcome his faction’s isolationism within the larger leftist movement and to shape the direction of a potential revolution. During the twentieth century, the tactic was employed by Trotskyists, other leftists (Dorey, 2017; Webber, 2009), and right–wing groups (Dudai, 2017).
Revolutionary strategy implies rapid displacement of institutions through radical action, as seen in the Bolshevik, Chinese, or Iranian revolutions, among others, in the twentieth century.
The term “passive revolution” has been used by social movement scholars to explain a variety of political events including, but not limited to, Italian fascism and Indian nationalism (Riley & Desai, 2007); the Scottish and Mexican revolutions (Davidson, 2010; Hesketh, 2010); globalization processes (Xing & Hersh, 2006); Turkish Islamists’ ascent to power (Tuğal, 2009a); and the Egyptian state’s controlled strategy of Islamization (Bayat, 2007).
Overlapping usages of the concept, discussed in Callinicos (2010), include perceiving passive revolution both as a strategy and as an outcome; construing it as a means pursued by both challengers (through a mass party) and elites (within the state); acknowledging the absorption of radicals into a movement versus a state; and leaving the existing hegemony intact as well as entrenching an alternative one.
Accounting for empirical relationships among the four strategies are an important topic, but one this article does not attempt to examine within its limited space. I, originally, spent some time mapping out the possible permutations, but eventually found them both arbitrary and impossible to verify with the type and amount of data I collected for this project. An account of pairings could be a complementary project, but it would require additional data collection as well as different analytic tools.
Early Republican period refers to the initial decades of the Turkish state following the collapse of the Ottoman empire in 1918. It corresponds roughly to the period between the signing of the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923 and the end of the One-party regime in 1945.
Other revolutionary changes included dissolving Islamic courts, replacing Islamic canon law with secular law, passing the Unification of Education Law (Tevhid–i Tedrisat Kanunu) that brought schools under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Education, closing madrasas, banning Arabic and Islamic sciences, and adopting the Latin alphabet. Additional measures to subjugate the religious field included outlawing Sufi orders, and arresting, exiling, or executing some charismatic sheikhs (Bein 2011, chap 6).
Following the revolutionary changes in the early years of the Republic, Diyanet assumed the administration of all mosques, appointment of their personnel, and production of religious orthodoxy. Thus, anyone who formally worked at a mosque or counselor office became a state official. While one cannot presume that everyone who took a job with Diyanet was naturally pursuing the strategy of embedding, many former ulema and sheiks did (see below). In any case, those who neither had a place nor desired one within Diyanet either went to exile or moved underground, hence accepting a relatively marginalized position for influencing the course of the early Republic’s anti-religious policies.
Despite this articulation, Nursi’s writings were not restricted to the otherworld; they were equally concerned with establishing an Islamic society and state. His views have been elaborated by many followers, but most clearly by Bünyamin Duran. In an article penned for the Nurcu magazine Köprü, in 1997, Duran explained Nursi’s three–pronged strategy to raise God’s word (i'lâ–yi kelimetullah) on Earth by a select vanguard. The first step is “retail Islam” (esnaf İslamı) to spread faith and secure economic development; the second step is “expert Islam” (uzman İslamı) to Islamize knowledge; and the third step is “interpretive Islam” (müçtehid İslamı) to redesign all spheres of life in line with the creed (Duran, 1997).
When discussing competition, I focus mainly on relations between mainstream cemaats who adopted gradualist, statist, and anti–Salafi views and who combined scriptual sources with tradition, Sufi mysticism (tasavvuf), and Sunni–Hanafi jurisprudence. I analyze the competition between them and radical groups in the next section.
Memoirs included that of Celâleddin Ökten, the principal of Istanbul Imam–Hatip (Yorulmaz, 2011) and of Sabahattin Zaim, an economics professor and Islamist businessman (Zaim, 2008). The NGO report was prepared by Çakır et al. (2004) and published by the Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation.
Revolutionary examples include Hizbullahiler and İstiklal, Tevhid, Şehadet magazines; Haksöz magazine; Ercümend Özkan’s Hizbu–t Tahrir party and İktibas magazine; Atasoy Müftüoğlu; Nureddin Şirin and Kudüs TV. There are also few influential Islamist intellectuals, such as Ali Bulaç and Alev Erkilet, who later moderated revolutionary commitments. Armed groups include Malatya circle, IBDA–C, and Turkish Hezbollah.
These include the Nurcu and Nakşi groups I discussed in the previous section.
The transcription of the speech can be accessed in Çakır (2002, pp. 50–57).
Gülen’s post-1990 strategy has been more accurately characterized as entryism, as opposed to embedding, given his intention to advise his followers to systematically infiltrate state offices.
The relation between ambivalence and autonomy is an important one, but one I could only speculate about with the case at hand. On the one hand, one can see ambivalence causally prior to the development of religious field’s autonomy, as in Turkey, or comparably in Egypt, where ambivalent relations between the state and the religious field also prevail. On the other hand, this assumption does not hold up empirically for other cases where there is little ambivalence between the state and the religious field. For example, in the Unites States the clear separation of the state and church means lack of ambivalence between these fields but not a concomitant lack of autonomy for the religious field; it is just the contrary. Yet in cases such as the former Soviet Union and the United Arab Emirates, strict control of the religious field by the state leaves almost no room for ambivalence, leading to almost no autonomy for the religious field. Given this complexity, theorizing in this vein would require more case studies and careful analysis of other political and historical factors.
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Acknowledgements
I would like to thank Elisabeth Anderson, Astor Avi, Rogers Brubaker, Miguel Centeno, Ivan Ermakoff, Elena Gadjanova, Phil Gorski, Eric Hamilton, Robert Jansen, Daniel Kerrell, Matthias Koenig, Elena Korchmina, Sabino Kornrich, John O’Brien, Peter Stamatov, Kristin Surak, anonymous reviewers, and the editors of Theory and Society for their invaluable feedback on previous drafts and to Fırat Kimya and Büşra Mahmutoğlu for their exceptional research assistance. Earlier versions of this article were presented at the 2013 American Sociological Association meeting and the 2014 Sociology Colloquium at the Max Planck Institute for the Study of Religious and Ethnic Diversity, where participants offered helpful comments. All translations from Turkish and Ottoman Turkish belong to the author unless stated otherwise.
Funding
Funding for this research was provided by the Mellon/American Council for Learned Societies Dissertation Completion Fellowship, New York University Abu Dhabi’s Division of Social Science, and by the Max Planck Institute Postdoctoral Fellowship.
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Ozgen, Z. From secularization to religious resurgence: an endogenous account. Theor Soc 52, 543–580 (2023). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11186-023-09512-9
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11186-023-09512-9