Building peace education in the Islamic educational context

Abstract

Following the events of 9/11, many misconceptions entered the policy-making platform with regard to the need for education reforms in the Muslim world. Based upon Western cultural and societal norms and increased scepticism of the role of religion in violence, these assumptions have triggered a strong wave of calls for a top-down approach to reform formal state schools in predominantly Muslim countries, These calls often meet with resistance at national and community levels. This article seeks to examine these misconceptions and investigate why educational reform efforts through top-down frameworks which are especially motivated by countering violent extremism or terrorism have had only limited success. Many major international intergovernmental organisations, non-governmental organisations and governments have invested time and effort into education measures aiming to build peace and coexistence in Muslim countries, but they have been unable to build a relationship of trust with community leaders and school authorities. The authors argue that the main reason for defiance is reformers’ failure to closely examine the cultural context of their chosen setting and work with existing tools and local institutions. Illustrating their point with a case study of an intervention carried out in informal Qur’anic schools in Niger, West Africa, the authors offer an alternative method which fosters changes from within. They argue that this model has a better chance of sustainability and could thus be used as the basis for future interventions.

Résumé

Construire l’éducation à la paix dans le monde islamique – Après les événements du 11 Septembre, de nombreuses idées fausses portant sur le besoin de réformer l’éducation dans le monde musulman ont gagné l’espace d’élaboration des politiques. Fondées sur les normes culturelles et sociétales de l’Occident et sur un scepticisme accru à l’égard du rôle joué par la religion dans la violence, ces thèses ont déclenché une déferlante d’appels à une approche descendante pour réformer les écoles publiques formelles dans les pays à majorité musulmane. Aux niveaux national et communautaire, ces appels se sont souvent heurtés à des résistances. Le présent article vise à examiner ces idées fausses et à enquêter sur la raison pour laquelle les efforts de réforme de l’éducation selon des approches descendantes, ayant pour objectif principal la lutte contre l’extrémisme violent (LVE) ou le terrorisme, n’ont eu qu’un succès limité. De nombreux gouvernements, grandes organisations internationales intergouvernementales et organisations non gouvernementales ont investi du temps et des efforts dans des mesures d’éducation visant à construire la paix et la coexistence dans les pays musulmans, mais ils ont été incapables de bâtir une relation de confiance avec les dirigeants communautaires et les autorités scolaires. Les auteurs soutiennent que la principale raison de cette défiance est l’échec des réformateurs à examiner de près le contexte culturel d’un endroit donné, et à travailler avec les institutions locales et les outils existants. Par l’étude d’une intervention menée dans les écoles coraniques informelles au Niger, en Afrique occidentale, les auteurs offrent une autre méthode, qui favorise les changements menés de l’intérieur. Ils soutiennent que ce modèle, plus susceptible de se pérenniser, pourrait de ce fait être utilisé comme base pour de futures interventions.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    International education reform efforts have to rely on government buy-ins to be able to implement reforms, while national reforms are implemented by education ministries.

  2. 2.

    We acknowledge that it is, in fact, necessary to look in even more depth at specific local contexts on a much smaller level than the national one, given that the situation, customs, culture and conditions vary drastically from one region to the next. This applies to Muslim communities not only in West African countries, but also on other continents. However, due to the limitations of an article, this contribution can only scratch the surface by looking at Muslim countries in general, and, in the case study, at one community in Zinder, Niger in particular.

  3. 3.

    For more information, see www.salaminstitute.org [accessed 7 February 2017].

  4. 4.

    Alfred Stepan (2010) argues there are three varieties of secularism in Western States: (1)“separatist”, for example in France, which posits a complete separation of church and state; (2) “established religion”, for example in Denmark, where the constitution includes one state religion (Lutheranism) and religious education is a compulsory subject in the national formal school curriculum; and (3) “positive accommodation”, exemplified for example in Germany, where many state-run schools offer faith-specific religious education. However, in general, even in those Western states which offer religious education in public schools, denominational schools are private schools which must follow a state-approved curriculum.

  5. 5.

    In the Muslim world, the term madrasa refers to Islamic schools.

  6. 6.

    For international endeavours, see for example UNESCO’s Global Citizenship Education (GCE), http://en.unesco.org/gced/approach [accessed 7 February 2017].

  7. 7.

    See the Implementing the 9/11 Commission Recommendations Act of 2007 (United States Congress 2007), which would require the Administration to submit an annual report on the efforts of Muslim countries to increase availability of modern state-funded education. See also Austrian Integration Minister Sebastian Kurz’s push for stricter standards and the investigation of Islamic Kindergartens in 2015 (The Local 2015).

  8. 8.

    Under the colonial system, these schools not only charged fees but also had admission criteria, such as giving preference to children whose parents either worked in government-related positions, were wealthy traders, businessmen or had an educated background.

  9. 9.

    In April 2014, the International Dialogue Centre (KAICIID) gathered Islamic Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (ISESCO) member states at ISESCO’s headquarters in Rabat, Morocco to discuss national approaches towards promoting interreligious and intercultural education (http://www.kaiciid.org/news-events/news/kaiciid-and-isesco-convene-governmental-policy-makers-interreligious-education [accessed 7 February 2017]). Similarly, in April 2015, UNESCO’s Beirut office teamed up with KAICIID to organise a meeting in Cairo, Egypt with education experts and government representatives from Arab states to help develop an adapted version of the British General Certificate of Education (GCE) Curriculum for the Arab states. While maintaining the GCE core, an adapted curriculum with an interreligious component was needed for Arab states to consider implementation (http://www.kaiciid.org/news-events/news/unesco-and-kaiciid-promote-global-citizenship-values-arab-region [accessed 7 February 2017]).

  10. 10.

    For a detailed report of the intervention put forth in this section, see Abu-Nimer et al. (2016).

  11. 11.

    See Abu-Nimer (1996, 2003), Afsaruddin (2007), Köylü (2004), Tanenbaum Center for Interreligious Understanding (2013), Husin (2002) and Abdalla et al. (2009).

  12. 12.

    This was observed by the Salam Institute for Peace Studies Team during the case study we present in this paper. The Zinder region of Niger predominantly practises Tijaniya Sufi Islam, which particularly values culture and education.

  13. 13.

    Here it is important to note that Islam is relatively recent in Niger and constantly defends its authority against other traditions. While the specific form of Islam predominant to the region surrounding Zinder is Tijaniya Sufi Islam, Zinder lies close to the border with Nigeria, from where it has been exposed to growing fundamentalist forms of Islam. Given this context, it was necessary to carefully build up a rapport with the Union so as to assure them that there were no intentions of pushing QSs away from Tijaniya Sufi Islam.

  14. 14.

    The external team was chosen from among members of the Salam Institute, all of whom were not only Muslim and Arabic-speakers, but also had experiences gathered by variously working in countries such as Egypt, Morocco, Jordan, Palestine, Pakistan, the Philippines and Indonesia. They also demonstrated a deep knowledge of Islamic peacebuilding and the Qur’an, Hadiths and Islamic history. All of these factors together aided in creating a non-threatening atmosphere for the intervention to take place.

  15. 15.

    Parents were highly interested in the project’s intent of maintaining QSs and improving the infrastructure. This further helped gain trust and reduce the fear of intervention by foreigners (non-Muslims in this case) in their schools.

  16. 16.

    The use of solely Islamic texts and constant consultation and collaboration facilitated the acceptance of the synergy of peace education values and Islamic belief and helped create more openness to understanding the need of such education.

  17. 17.

    Furthermore, in the case of Niger there is also the attitude that “Islam is superior”. This was not dealt with initially in our project, since in the context of QSs, teachers and school heads are not generally exposed to people of other faiths. But it was eventually addressed when talking about human rights in Islam, where participants acknowledged a distinction between their own feelings and rights of individuals of other groups to practise their own faith.

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Acknowledgements

Without the efforts and suggestions of Renáta Smith, this article could not have been produced. Her work on content editing and literature review is much appreciated.

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Correspondence to Mohammed Abu-Nimer.

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Abu-Nimer, M., Nasser, I. Building peace education in the Islamic educational context. Int Rev Educ 63, 153–167 (2017). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11159-017-9632-7

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Keywords

  • Peace education
  • Education reform
  • Qur’anic schools
  • Islamic education
  • Pluralism
  • Co-existence
  • Teacher training