Abstract
Political debates over knowledge claims often become emotionally charged, with two sides not only disputing what is true but seeing those on the other side as deluded or worse. By looking at use of the term “Laffer curve” in the U.S. Congress from 1977 to 2010, we draw attention to two ways such debates over knowledge claims can evolve. The Laffer curve is a simple schematic representation of the relationship between tax rates and government revenue that was influential in U.S. tax policy in the late 1970s. Early on, Republicans and Democrats faced off over the Laffer curve as a cognitive symbol to be debated with argument, evidence, and reference to experts. Over time, Republicans continued to treat the Laffer curve as a cognitive symbol, but for Democrats it became a polluted expressive symbol that could be dismissed without debate. Democrats also articulated the Laffer curve as part of an ironic narrative about the failure of the Reagan administration, which ended the possibility of serious deliberation. We suggest that the dynamics seen here may also be present around other politicized knowledge claims, such as the claim that human activity is causing climate change.
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Notes
We thank editor David Smilde for suggesting Parsons’ terminology for describing this shift.
Of course global warming can be used as part of such narratives, and has been; however the expressive aspect of the debate is not the focus of Smith’s study.
Each of these borderline cases is quoted later in the paper.
p (two-tailed) < 0.001 (Fisher’s exact test) for the difference between Period 1 and Period 2. The difference between Period 2 and Period 3 is not statistically significant.
p (two-tailed) < 0.001 (Fisher’s exact test) for positive/nonpositive statements before and during Period 2.
p (two-tailed) < 0.001 (Fisher’s exact test) for Republican/Democrat statements during the pre-election and post-election parts of Period 2.
p (two-tailed) = 0.0001 (Fisher’s exact test).
Interestingly, however, there has recently been a slight uptick, with five mentions in 2009 and ten in 2010.
p (two-tailed) < 0.00001 (Fisher’s exact test) for the Republican/Democrat difference in Period 3.
For examples of these uses, see CR 1982, 5422–5423, 8687–8688, 22441–22442; 1983, 15984–15985; 1984, 16029–16042; 1985, 6097–6098; 1986, 8150–8151; 1988, 20031–20041; 1990, 16808–16810, 26081, 29873–29874; 1991, 20600–20601; 1993, 15502, 15503–15505, 15681, 19112, 19122.
p (two-tailed) < 0.001 (Fisher’s exact test) for the Period 2/Period 3 difference and < 0.0001 for the Period 1/Period 3 difference.
We thank a reviewer for drawing our attention to this point and suggesting the Collins example.
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Acknowledgements
We would like to thank Ron Jacobs, Richard Lachmann, Aaron Major, Isaac Martin, Nicholas Pagnucco, the Culture Group at the University at Albany, Qualitative Sociology editor David Smilde, and four anonymous reviewers for their useful feedback. Earlier versions of this paper were presented to audiences at the 2009 annual meeting of the Society for Social Studies of Science and the 2011 annual meeting of the American Sociological Association.
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Berman, E.P., Milanes-Reyes, L.M. The Politicization of Knowledge Claims: The “Laffer Curve” in the U.S. Congress. Qual Sociol 36, 53–79 (2013). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11133-012-9242-4
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11133-012-9242-4