Abstract
The empirical literature on the effects of opinion polls on election outcomes has recently found substantial evidence of a bandwagon effect, defined as the phenomenon according to which the publication of opinion polls is advantageous to the candidate with the greatest support. This result is driven, in the lab experiments, by a higher turnout rate among the majority than among the minority. Such evidence is however in stark contrast with the main theoretical model of electoral participation in public choice, the pivotal voter model, which predicts that the supporters of an underdog candidate participate at a higher rate, given the higher probability of casting a pivotal vote. This paper tries to reconcile this discrepancy by showing that a bandwagon effect can be generated within the pivotal voter model by concavity in the voters’ utility function, which makes electoral participation more costly for the expected loser supporters. Given the strict relationship between concavity and risk aversion, the paper also establishes the role of risk aversion as a determinant of bandwagon.
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Notes
Such as the majority rule system that I consider in the following sections, but also a proportional representation system (Kartal 2015).
Solutions to the so-called paradox of voting include introducing ethical (or group-utilitarian) voters (Coate and Conlin 2004; Feddersen and Sandroni 2006; Evren 2012), assuming that mandate matters for the implementation of the winning platform after the election (Castanheira 2003), or introducing aggregate uncertainty about candidates’ support (Myatt 2015). For a survey on voter turnout models and a comparison between the pivotal voter and the ethical voter models, see Merlo (2006).
However, it should be noticed that an important assumption for the underdog result is the presence of uncertainty concerning the preferences of the electorate. Indeed, a bandwagon effect may in some cases be compatible with the standard pivotal voter model under the assumption that the supporters’ group size is known with certainty. This is often the case in lab experiments, where the majority and minority group sizes are held fixed in order to make the experiment easier to understand for the participants. The evidence of bandwagon is however much greater than the one that could be explained by such cases.
Clearly, I assume \(q+p\,\le\, 1\).
Indeed, if \(u(x)=x\), then \((q+p)(B-c)+(1-q-p)(-c)>q(B)+(1-q)0\Rightarrow pB>c\). Riker and Ordeshook (1968) derive (1) from (2) but do not discuss the underlying hypothesis of linearity.
The fact that people are more likely to vote in elections that they deem more important is well-established. This is not a peculiar prediction of the pivotal voter model, which is characterized by the claim that the effect of B on the agent’s decision is discounted by the probability of being pivotal.
The assumption of heterogeneity in voting costs turns out to be a crucial one for a bandwagon result. In the online supplementary material (Sect. 3), I show that in the presence of homogeneous costs of voting the model would yield the same full underdog result as in the standard linear pivotal voter model.
With respect to the previous section, I change the subscripts from w (winner) and l (loser) to b (bigger) and s (smaller) because in the game-theoretic model, even if candidate 1 has a larger group of supporters, the expected winning candidate is determined by the turnout rates.
In fact, the solution of system (9) is unique in all my numerical computations.
The value 1.54 might seem very high compared to the usual estimates of an absolute risk-aversion parameter, but it comes from the fact that I only evaluate the utility function in the small range (−c, 1) with \(c\in (0, \, 1)\). My numerical computations show that Proposition 8(i) would still be true if I specify a constant relative risk aversion (CRRA) utility function (bound by 1 to the left to make sure that the numerator is positive, i.e. \(u(x)=\frac{(x+1)^{1-\gamma }}{1-\gamma }\)), instead of a CARA function. In this case, the threshold for the relative risk-aversion parameter would be approximately equal to 1.77, which is lower than its usual estimates. For an agent with an absolute risk-aversion parameter equal to 1.54, the certainty equivalent of a lottery that yields a payoff of either 1 or 0 both with probability one-half is 0.32.
With two agents, the expected number of candidate 1 supporters is \(2\pi\) (\({>}1\)) and the expected number of candidate 2 supporters is \(2(1-\pi )\) (\({<}1\)).
Owing to computational difficulties, I have run simulations only for \(n\le 250\).
They disappear for higher values of \(\pi\), lower values of n and higher and lower values of \(\gamma\).
However, for extreme values of \(\pi\) (e.g., \(\pi =0.95\)), my computations show that \(\bar{\gamma }(n)\) is first decreasing and then again increasing in n.
For an agent with a constant absolute risk aversion parameter equal to 0.27, the certainty equivalent of a lottery that yields a payoff of either 1 or 0 both with probability one-half is 0.47.
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Acknowledgements
I thank Philippe De Donder, Helios Herrera, Richard Johnston, Elia Lapenta, Michel Le Breton, Massimo Morelli, François Salanié, Karine Van Der Straeten, seminar participants at TSE, the participants to the 2nd Leuven-Montreal Winter School on Elections and Voting Behavior, and the participants to the 2016 Enter Jamboree in Madrid for their useful comments.
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Expressions for \(p_{1}\), \(p_{2}\) and q
Expressions for \(p_{1}\), \(p_{2}\) and q
I derive here the expressions for \(p_{1}\), \(p_{2}\) and q in system (6). For the calculation of \(p_{1}\) and \(p_{2}\), I draw on the analysis in Goeree and Grosser (2007). An agent is pivotal only when either the rest of the voting agents is equally split between the two candidates (turning a draw into a victory) or when the opposing candidate would win by one vote if the agent abstains (turning a loss into a draw). Given the tie-breaking rule in the case of a draw, in both cases the probability of being pivotal is divided by one-half. Clearly the first scenario can happen if the number of other voters is even, while the second if such number is odd. The two cases can be combined using the floor operator \(\lfloor {\cdot }\rfloor\). Consider first a supporter of candidate 1, supposing that k other agents also prefer candidate 1, \(n-k-1\) prefer candidate 2 and a total of l agents vote. Assuming that the cutoff costs \(c_{b}\) and \(c_{s}\) are both in (0, 1), the probability of being pivotal \(p_{1}\) is equal to
Analogously for a supporter of candidate 2, the probability of being pivotal \(p_{2}\) is equal to
In addition to \(p_{1}\) and \(p_{2}\), I need to calculate the probability q, which emerges in the agent’s decision problem if the assumption of linearity in the utility function is relaxed. To do so, notice that when l other agents vote, candidate 1 wins if at least \(\frac{l}{2}+1\) agents vote for him for l even, or at least \(\frac{l+1}{2}\) for l odd. The two cases can again be combined using the floor operator: if l agents vote, candidate 1 wins if at least \(\lfloor {\frac{l}{2}+1}\rfloor\) vote for him. Moreover, by the assumption on the tie-breaking, candidate 1 also wins with probability one-half if the voters are equally split between the two candidates (l must be even). Hence, assuming \(c_{b}\) and \(c_{s}\) both in (0, 1), q is equal to
The probabilities \(p_{1}\), \(p_{2}\) and q are strictly positive also in the case that \(c_{b}\) or \(c_{s}\) are equal to zero (see the proof of Proposition 6 in the online supplementary material). In particular, \(p_{1}=p_{2}=q=\frac{1}{2}\) if \(c_{b}=c_{s}=0\).
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Grillo, A. Risk aversion and bandwagon effect in the pivotal voter model. Public Choice 172, 465–482 (2017). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11127-017-0457-5
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11127-017-0457-5