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Do Partisans Make Different Investment Decisions When Their Party is in Power?

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Abstract

Partisans’ stated beliefs about the economy vary dramatically depending on the party that holds the presidency. Do these responses represent genuine differences in beliefs about the economy, or do they reflect partisans’ expressive reporting on surveys? To answer this question, we rely on a novel dataset of Bing searches related to housing, automobiles, and stock market purchases by partisans from February 2016 to July 2017. We find that in the aftermath of the 2016 election, Democrats, as members of the losing party, were modestly less likely to search for both house and car purchase terms. Republicans showed no change. This shift in investment behavior among Democrats suggests that partisans’ survey responses are at least partially due to different beliefs about the economy, rather than just expressive reporting.

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Data Availability

Replication data and code is available through github. Please email David@ResearchDMR.com or davidmr@microsoft.com for access.

Notes

  1. Selective media exposure could also influence presidential in partisans to engage in different consumption behavior than out partisans. Republicans who consume Breitbart and Fox News may be treated to non-stop coverage of the Trump administration’s economic successes, while Democrats who consume HuffPost and Daily Kos may receive the opposite message. However, selective exposure to partisan news coverage has shown at best only modest effects on political polarization (Peterson et al., 2021; Prior 2013).

  2. Content automatically labelled by Bing as adult.

  3. County level covariates come from the 2016 ACS. As part of the data release process with Microsoft, we were asked to round some geographic covariates (to ensure that no PII could be created from the data).

  4. For example, a user who uses Bing only in October of 2016 will make it into the dataset as described in Table 3 and the post-election analysis, but not into the main seasonality analysis. Please see Online Appendix for a modified version of Table 3 that describes these searchers only.

  5. For more information on how we compiled the Gallup survey time series, please see Online Appendix.

  6. Counting partisan leaners as Independents under a 3-point model of party ID does not meaningfully change the results.

  7. The regressions upon which these plots are based, available in Tables A4–A5 in the Online Appendix, are identical to the regressions in Table 4 in all but their party ID measure.

  8. To arrive at this number, we looked at combinations of the following covariates: age, gender, county racial com- position, county education, county income, county density, day of the week fixed effects, and month fixed effects. We did not include state fixed effects in this robustness check, as including them would increase the necessary com- putation time by a factor of 8x. However, given the results, it is unlikely that their inclusion would substantially change the results.

  9. For a more detailed breakdown by partisanship, please see Online Appendix.

  10. To see the raw proportions of Dems and Reps who search for the three categories of terms, please see Online Appendix.

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Correspondence to Masha Krupenkin.

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Krupenkin, M., Hill, S. & Rothschild, D. Do Partisans Make Different Investment Decisions When Their Party is in Power?. Polit Behav (2023). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11109-023-09883-w

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