Skip to main content

On the universality of intrusive resumption: Evidence from Chamorro and Palauan

Abstract

The literature on resumptive pronouns (RPs) has given rise to a rich taxonomy of the phenomenon. Despite the fact that RPs invariably have the morphosyntactic form of ordinary pronouns, they vary widely in distribution and function. In some languages, RPs are grammatically licensed; depending on the language and the syntactic context, they might or might not realize traces, compete with gaps, exhibit reconstruction effects, and so on. In other languages, notably English, RPs are ‘intrusive’ (Sells 1984). Kroch (1981), Asudeh (2004), Morgan and Wagers (2018), and others have proposed that intrusive RPs in English are ungrammatical products of the performance system—productions that satisfy local well-formedness but not global well-formedness. This account predicts that in every language, regardless of whether it has grammatically licensed RPs, intrusive RPs could also be found. Here we test this prediction against evidence from Chamorro and Palauan. Previous accounts have maintained that Chamorro does not have RPs and Palauan has only RPs. On the basis of corpus and elicited production data from Chamorro, and a re-examination of the Palauan evidence, we argue that both languages have grammatically licensed RPs, as well as intrusive RPs. Their grammatically licensed RPs differ in form and distribution. At least in Chamorro, the distribution of intrusive RPs produced is similar to that in English.

This is a preview of subscription content, access via your institution.

Fig. 1

Notes

  1. 1.

    All experimental items and data from the production experiment, and data from the corpus searches, are available at https://doi.org/10.17605/OSF.IO/H5YAV.

  2. 2.

    Our discussion proceeds from the assumption that productions that are consistently judged by speakers to be degraded or ungrammatical, such as sentences containing intrusive RPs, are not generated by the grammar. Other initial assumptions are conceivable. For instance, one could assume that the grammar generates sentences containing intrusive RPs, but identifies them as highly marked. Proceeding from that alternative starting point, our claim would be that all languages have RPs that are routinely produced (and, by assumption, generated by the grammar) but not validated by speakers’ introspective judgments of grammaticality.

    It is sometimes claimed that intrusive RPs can facilitate comprehension (Hofmeister and Norcliffe 2013). However, there is no clear evidence that intrusive RPs are routinely interpreted as bound by the filler, and some recent research indicates they are often wrongly interpreted (Morgan et al. 2020). We further emphasize that there is language processing evidence that speakers treat (obligatory) grammatically-licensed RPs differently from intrusive RPs. For instance, Hebrew comprehenders actively predict RPs inside island domains when there is an A-bar operator (Keshev and Meltzer-Asscher 2017), but English speakers do not (Chacón 2015, 2019).

  3. 3.

    Predicates that are adjectives pattern like verbs for the purposes of word order and agreement, so we use the term verb to refer to both in the text.

  4. 4.

    The examples cited are from published works, the unedited database for the Revised Chamorro-English dictionary (abbreviated CD), Nuebu Testamento (the Chamorro New Testament, abbreviated NT), or—if not attributed to any source—from our Chamorro fieldwork. The following abbreviations are used in the morpheme-by-morpheme glosses. For Chamorro: agr = agreement, antip = antipassive, comp = complementizer, emp = emphatic, fut = future, l = linker, lcl = local case, nm = unmarked case, obl = oblique case, pass = passive, pl = plural, prog = progressive, q = question, wh[obj] = object wh-agreement, wh[obl] = oblique wh-agreement, wh[sbj] = subject wh-agreement. For Palauan: comp = complementizer, fut = future, im = imperfective, ir = irrealis, l = linker, neg = negative, p = preposition/oblique case, pf = perfective, r = realis, recip = reciprocal, as well as 3s = third singular, 1p = first plural, etc. (for other persons and numbers). Palauan inflectional morphology is so complex that we did not try to develop a uniform set of glossing conventions for the two languages. Instead, we reproduce Georgopoulos’ (1985, 1991) morpheme-by-morpheme glosses for the Palauan examples, with adjustments in the glosses of a handful of examples for uniformity. Note that Georgopoulos’ glosses do not conform to the Leipzig Glossing rules. Readers should also note that orthographic y in Chamorro is a voiced alveolar affricate; orthographic ch in Palauan is glottal stop.

  5. 5.

    Nuger (2016) analyzes er as a case marker when it introduces direct objects or possessors, and as a preposition otherwise. He shows that the er that introduces direct objects is a differential object marker that contrasts with the preposition er along various dimensions (Nuger 2016:104–124). We will propose later that er in all its functions is a case marker, not a preposition. For us, the contrasts uncovered by Nuger reveal that this case marker patterns differently when it marks direct objects than when it marks locatives, goals, and other oblique DPs. Josephs (1975:26, 39, 276–298) identifies er as a ‘relational word,’ a term consistent with a preposition analysis or a case marker analysis.

  6. 6.

    Two details concerning possessor agreement: (a) In Chamorro, a possessor that is a pronoun must control agreement on the possessed noun; see Sect. 3.1. (b) In Palauan, certain nouns—primarily borrowed words and words describing parts of the natural environment—realize their possessors as DPs introduced by er; these possessors do not control agreement (Josephs 1975:69–70).

  7. 7.

    Following Georgopoulos (1991:69–75), we take constituent questions in Palauan to be clefts in which the predicate is an interrogative phrase and the subject is a null-headed relative clause. The free translations of Georgopoulos’ examples of questions have been augmented to make the presence of the null-headed relative clause more transparent in English.

  8. 8.

    Other diagnostics for wh-movement are either absent or underdocumented. Neither Chamorro nor Palauan has weak crossover effects (Chung 1989:162, fn. 9; Georgopoulos 1991:197–198). Chamorro has no parasitic gaps, and the Palauan items identified as parasitic gaps by Georgopoulos (1991:111–114) could conceivably be ordinary (null or overt) pronouns. Although Chamorro has reconstruction effects, these have not been documented well enough to be discussed here.

  9. 9.

    The semantic distribution of realis vs. irrealis mood in Palauan is regulated as follows. Certain types of clauses are always in the irrealis mood; namely, negated clauses that are complements of the negative verb diak ‘not’, antecedent clauses of conditional sentences, certain adverbial clauses, and imperatives (Josephs 1975: Chapters 18 and 19; Georgopoulos 1985:77, fn. 19). All other types of clauses, including e.g. future clauses, are always in realis mood, but their mood morphology can be overridden by wh-agreement. (The mood morphology of clauses that require the irrealis mood, such as negated clauses, cannot be overridden by wh-agreement; see Georgopoulos 1991:89–90 and Josephs 1975:375, (28a) and (28b).)

  10. 10.

    Possessor-N agreement is not a form of clitic doubling. The forms of this agreement have the morphophonology of suffixes (Chung 2020) and the morphosyntax of agreement (Chung 1998). The profile of Chamorro clitics, including pronominal clitics, is quite different (Chung 2020).

  11. 11.

    The embedded verb does not show wh-agreement, because possessor gaps—like e.g. intransitive subject gaps—are not signaled by overt wh-agreement.

  12. 12.

    The D condition seems to be enforced less strictly for the definite article i than for other overt articles, demonstratives, and quantifiers. We have encountered some speakers who allow i in examples like (22b); see also Sect. 4.2. We note without further comment that the null indefinite article can be used felicitously in contexts in which it is common knowledge the possessee is unique relative to the possessor (Chung 2018).

  13. 13.

    In versions of Principles and Parameters theory that include the ECP or a head government requirement, all three conditions would follow directly from the hypothesis that these dependencies are created by wh-movement. In minimalist syntax, the locality condition follows directly, but it is not clear how the specificity effect and the restrictions on extraction of, and out of, specifiers are best handled.

  14. 14.

    Note, though, that sentential subjects, and subjects more generally, are not islands in Chamorro (Chung 1991a, 1991b).

  15. 15.

    The data discussed in this section were provided over the years by nine Chamorro speakers—six in Saipan and three (originally from Guam) in California. Their current age range would be 60–77 years.

  16. 16.

    The PAH is occasionally violated by speakers in elicitation contexts and can be outcompeted by other pressures in comprehension (Wagers et al. 2018). However, Clothier-Goldschmidt’s (2015) corpus study of connected discourse has shown that it is a hard constraint in production.

  17. 17.

    Irrelevantly, the string of words in (25b) is grammatical under other interpretations. When the 3sg. pronoun gui’ is present, the clause must be interpreted as reflexive (‘Maria scolded herself’); when gui’ is absent, Maria must be interpreted as the direct object (‘He scolded Maria’).

  18. 18.

    For reasons of space, we observe but do not discuss the following. First, the PAH never accesses the features of the possessor of the subject. This is because external arguments must be specific, so the subject DP of a transitive clause cannot have the null indefinite (nonspecific) article as its D (Chung 1998:104). Second, although clauses like (27a) are occasionally accepted by speakers in elicitation contexts, a corpus search of the Chamorro New Testament reveals that clauses of this type—with a third person subject and a DP object with a null indefinite D and a second person possessor—are systematically absent. As is usual with PAH violations, the corresponding passive clauses occur instead. In other words, even in its interaction with possessors, the PAH is a hard constraint in production; see fn. 16.

  19. 19.

    Small v does not probe beyond the direct object’s possessor, because DPs in Chamorro are phases.

  20. 20.

    The ungrammaticality of (29b) makes it clear that the possessor has not undergone an intermediate step of raising to object before wh-movement occurs. If that had happened, the PAH ought to respond in the same way to (28) and (29b), contrary to fact.

  21. 21.

    Participants provided positive verbal consent for the audio recording before the experiment began. During the debriefing, they were given an information sheet in Chamorro and English that gave a brief lay description of the purpose of the experiment, stated that participation was anonymous, and provided contact information for each of the three researchers. Each participant was compensated with a high-capacity flashdrive. Participants’ productions were transcribed by the three of us in the CNMI and coded later.

  22. 22.

    For the sake of completeness, we note that this case-marked overt RP is one conjunct of a coordinate structure whose other conjunct contains a null RP possessor.

  23. 23.

    The locative possessive DP is an argument of the existential verb guaha ‘exist’ in 18 productions, an argument of gaigi ‘be (in a location)’ in 8 productions, and associated with an intransitive verb of motion in 2 productions.

  24. 24.

    In the focus construction, a syntactically focused DP or PP appears at the left edge of CP. Most instances of the focus construction in Chamorro have two possible analyses, one involving wh-movement of the syntactically focused constituent and the other involving a cleft construction in which the focused constituent is a predicate whose subject is a null-headed relative clause. However, in some cases, only one analysis is possible (Chung 1998:268–275). The example of the focus construction cited later in (36) has only a wh-movement analysis. A cleft analysis is not possible for this example, because the focused constituent, maseha håyi ‘whoever’, does not occur independently as a predicate.

  25. 25.

    Examples from NT are cited in the 2010 version of the CNMI’s standard Chamorro orthography.

  26. 26.

    In general, wh-traces that are spelled out as RPs in a given language can be identified by their grammatical relation (Case). In Vata, for instance, subject wh-traces are spelled out as RPs; in Swedish, certain embedded subject wh-traces are spelled out as RPs; in Tongan, ergative wh-traces are spelled out as RPs; in Māori, nonsubject wh-traces are spelled out as RPs. Our proposal that Palauan wh-traces in the oblique case are spelled out as RPs conforms to this broader descriptive generalization.

  27. 27.

    Another possibility, suggested to us by Justin Nuger, is that wh-agreement in Palauan is realized by nonfinite verb forms, but the Cs e and el kmo require their TP complement to be finite. This suggestion could work for subject wh-agreement, but it is less obvious how it extends to nonsubject wh-agreement, given that irrealis verb forms in Palauan occur in finite clauses (e.g. negated clauses, antecedents of conditional sentences, imperatives; see fn. 9).

References

  1. Ackerman, Lauren, Michael Frazier, and Masaya Yoshida. 2018. Resumptive pronouns can ameliorate illicit island extractions. Linguistic Inquiry 49: 847–859.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  2. Aissen, Judith. 1997. On the syntax of obviation. Language 73: 705–750.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  3. Aissen, Judith. 1999. Markedness and subject choice in Optimality Theory. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 17: 673–711.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  4. Alexopoulou, T., and Frank Keller. 2007. Locality, cyclicity and resumption: At the interface between the grammar and the human sentence processor. Language 83: 110–160.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  5. Anderson, Stephen R. 1992. A-morphous morphology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

    Book  Google Scholar 

  6. Aoun, Joseph, Lina Choueri, and Norbert Hornstein. 2001. Resumption, movement, and derivational economy. Linguistic Inquiry 32: 371–403.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  7. Ariel, Mira. 1999. Cognitive universals and linguistic conventions: The case of resumptive pronouns. Studies in Language 23: 217–269.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  8. Asudeh, Ash. 2004. Resumption as resource management. Ph.D. diss., Stanford University.

  9. Asudeh, Ash. 2012. The logic of pronominal resumption. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

    Book  Google Scholar 

  10. Baier, Nico. 2017. Unifying anti-agreement and wh-agreement. Ms., Berkeley: University of California.

  11. Bauer, Winifred. 1997. The Reed reference grammar of Māori. Auckland: Reed.

    Google Scholar 

  12. Blust, Robert. 2013. The Austronesian languages, Revised edn. Canberra: Asia–Pacific Linguistics.

    Google Scholar 

  13. Borer, Hagit. 1984. Restrictive relatives in Modern Hebrew. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 2: 219–260.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  14. Camacho, Bishop Tomas A. et al., trans. 2007. Nuebu testamento. The Chamorro new testament [NT], CNMI: Diocese of Chalan Kanoa.

  15. Chacón, Dustin A. 2015. Comparative psychosyntax. Ph.D. diss., University of Maryland, College Park.

  16. Chacón, Dustin A. 2019. Minding the gap?: Mechanisms underlying resumption in English. Glossa 4: 68.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  17. Chomsky, Noam. 1977. On wh-movement. In Formal syntax, eds. Peter Culicover, Adrian Akmajian, and Thomas Wasow, 71–133. New York: Academic Press.

    Google Scholar 

  18. Chomsky, Noam. 1981. Lectures on government and binding. Dordrecht: Foris.

    Google Scholar 

  19. Chomsky, Noam. 2001. Derivation by phase. In Ken Hale: A life in language, ed. Michael Kenstowicz, 1–52. Cambridge: MIT Press.

    Google Scholar 

  20. Chung, Sandra. 1982. Unbounded dependencies in Chamorro grammar. Linguistic Inquiry 13: 39–77.

    Google Scholar 

  21. Chung, Sandra. 1987. The syntax of Chamorro existential sentences. In The representation of (in)definiteness, eds. Eric Reuland and Alice ter Meulen, 191–225. Cambridge: MIT Press.

    Google Scholar 

  22. Chung, Sandra. 1989. On the notion “null anaphor” in Chamorro. In The null subject parameter, eds. Osvaldo Jaeggli and Kenneth J. Safir, 143–184. Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic.

    Chapter  Google Scholar 

  23. Chung, Sandra. 1991a. Sentential subjects and proper government in Chamorro. In Interdisciplinary approaches to language: Essays in honor of S.-Y. Kuroda, eds. Roberta Ishihara and Carol Georgopoulos, 75–99. Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic.

    Chapter  Google Scholar 

  24. Chung, Sandra. 1991b. Functional heads and proper government in Chamorro. Lingua 85: 85–134.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  25. Chung, Sandra. 1994. Wh-agreement and “referentiality” in Chamorro. Linguistic Inquiry 25: 1–44.

    Google Scholar 

  26. Chung, Sandra. 1998. The design of agreement: Evidence from Chamorro. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

    Google Scholar 

  27. Chung, Sandra. 2014. On reaching agreement late. In Chicago Linguistic Society (CLS) 48, eds. Andrea Beltrama, Tasos Chatzikonstantinou, Jackson L. Lee, Mike Pham, and Diane Rak. Vol. 1, 169–190.

    Google Scholar 

  28. Chung, Sandra. 2018. Maximize presupposition and types of indefinites in Chamorro. In A reasonable way to proceed: Essays in honor of Jim McCloskey, eds. Jason Merchant, Line Mikkelsen, Deniz Rudin, and Kelsey Sasaki, 59–86. eScholarship Repository: University of California. https://escholarship.org/uc/item/7z29n70x#main. Last accessed 20 September 2020.

    Google Scholar 

  29. Chung, Sandra. 2020. Chamorro grammar. eScholarship Repository: University of California. https://escholarship.org/uc/item/2sx7w4h5. Last accessed 20 September 2020.

    Google Scholar 

  30. Chung, Sandra, and Carol Georgopoulos. 1988. Agreement with gaps in Chamorro and Palauan. In Agreement in natural language: Approaches, theories, and descriptions, eds. Michael Barlow and Charles Ferguson, 251–267. Stanford: CSLI.

    Google Scholar 

  31. Chung, Sandra, Matt Wagers, and Manuel F. Borja. 2012. Bridging methodologies: Experimental syntax in the Pacific. Presidential address. Annual Meeting of the Linguistic Society of America.

  32. Clothier-Goldschmidt, Scarlett. 2015. The distribution and processing of referential expressions: Evidence from English and Chamorro, M.A. thesis, University of California, Santa Cruz.

  33. Engdahl, Elisabet. 1982. Restrictions on unbounded dependencies in Swedish. In Readings on unbounded dependencies in Scandinavian languages, eds. Elisabet Engdahl and E. Ejerhed, 151–174. Umeå University.

    Google Scholar 

  34. Engdahl, Elisabet. 1997. Relative clause extractions in context. Working Papers in Scandinavian Syntax 60: 51–79.

    Google Scholar 

  35. Erteschik-Shir, Nomi. 1992. Resumptive pronouns in islands. In Island constraints: Theory, acquisition and processing, eds. Helen Goodluck and Michael Rochemont, 89–108. Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic.

    Chapter  Google Scholar 

  36. Fadlon, Julie, Adam M. Morgan, Aya Meltzer-Asscher, and Victor S. Ferreira. 2019. It depends: Optionality in the production of filler-gap dependencies. Journal of Memory and Language 106: 40–76.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  37. Ferreira, Fernanda, and Benjamin Swets. 2005. The production and comprehension of resumptive pronouns in relative clause “island” contexts. In Twenty-first century psycholinguistics: Four cornerstones, ed. Anne Cutler, 263–278. Mahwah: Erlbaum.

    Google Scholar 

  38. Fiengo, Robert, and James Higginbotham. 1981. Opacity in NP. Linguistic Analysis 7: 347–373.

    Google Scholar 

  39. Gennari, Silvia P., Jelena Mirković, and Maryellen C. MacDonald. 2012. Animacy and competition in relative clause production: A cross-linguistic investigation. Cognitive Psychology 65: 141–176.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  40. Georgopoulos, Carol. 1985. Variables in Palauan syntax. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 3: 59–94.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  41. Georgopoulos, Carol. 1991. Syntactic variables: Resumptive pronouns and Abinding in Palauan. Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic.

    Book  Google Scholar 

  42. Goodall, Grant. 2017. Referentiality and resumption in wh-dependencies. In Asking the right questions: Essays in honor of Sandra Chung, eds. Jason Ostrove, Ruth Kramer, and Joseph Sabbagh, 65–80. eScholarship Repository: University of California. https://escholarship.org/uc/item/8255v8sc. Last accessed 20 September 2020.

    Google Scholar 

  43. Han, Chung-hye, Noureddine Elouazizi, Christina Galeano, Emrah Görgülü, Nancy Hedberg, Jennifer Hinnell, Meghan Jeffrey, Kyeong-min Kim, and Susannah Kirby. 2012. Processing strategies and resumptive pronouns in English. In West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics (WCCFL) 30, eds. Nathan Arnett and Ryan Bennett, 153–161. Somerville: Cascadilla Proceedings Project.

    Google Scholar 

  44. Harley, Heidi, and Elizabeth Ritter. 2002. Person and number in pronouns: a feature-geometric analysis. Language 78: 482–526.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  45. Heestand, Dustin, Ming Xiang, and Maria Polinsky. 2011. Resumption still does not rescue islands. Linguistic Inquiry 42: 138–152.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  46. Hendrick, Randall. 2005. Resumptive and bound variable pronouns in Tongan. In Annual conference of the Austronesian Formal Linguistics Association (AFLA) 12, eds. Jeffrey Heinz and Dmitri Ntelitheos, 103–115. UCLA Working Papers in Linguistics 12.

    Google Scholar 

  47. Hladnik, Marko. 2015. Mind the gap: Resumption in Slavic relative clauses. Ph.D. diss., Utrecht University.

  48. Hofmeister, Philip, and Elisabeth Norcliffe. 2013. Does resumption facilitate sentence comprehension? In The core and the periphery: Data-driven perspectives on syntax inspired by Ivan A. Sag, eds. B. Philip and Elisabeth Norcliffe, 225–246. Stanford: CSLI.

    Google Scholar 

  49. Huang, C.-T. James. 1982. Logical relations in Chinese and the theory of grammar. Ph.D. diss., MIT.

  50. Josephs, Lewis S. 1975. Palauan reference grammar. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.

    Google Scholar 

  51. Karimi, Simin. 1999. Specificity effect: Evidence from Persian. The Linguistic Review 16: 125–141.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  52. Keshev, Maayan, and Aya Meltzer-Asscher. 2017. Active dependency formation in islands: How grammatical resumption affects sentence processing. Language 93: 549–568.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  53. Koopman, Hilda. 1982. Control from COMP and comparative syntax. The Linguistic Review 2: 365–391.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  54. Kroch, Anthony S. 1981. On the role of resumptive pronouns in amnestying island constraint violations. In Chicago Linguistic Society (CLS) 17, 125–135. Chicago: Chicago Linguistic Society.

    Google Scholar 

  55. McCloskey, James. 1990. Resumptive pronouns, Ā-binding and levels of representation in Irish. In Syntax and semantics 23: The syntax of the modern Celtic languages, ed. Randall Hendrick, 199–248. New York: Academic Press.

    Google Scholar 

  56. McCloskey, James. 2002. Resumption, successive cyclicity, and the locality of operations. In Derivation and explanation in the minimalist program, eds. Samuel David Epstein and T. Daniel Seeley, 184–226. Oxford: Blackwell Sci.

    Chapter  Google Scholar 

  57. McCloskey, James. 2006. Resumption. In The Blackwell companion to syntax, eds. Martin Everaert and Henk van Riemsdijk, 94–117. Oxford: Blackwell Sci.

    Chapter  Google Scholar 

  58. McCloskey, James. 2017a. Resumption, 2nd edn., In The Wiley Blackwell companion to syntax, eds. Martin Everaert and Henk van Riemsdijk. Oxford: Wiley–Blackwell.

    Google Scholar 

  59. McCloskey, James. 2017b. New thoughts on old questions—Resumption in Irish. In Asking the right questions: Essays in honor of Sandra Chung, eds. Jason Ostrove, Ruth Kramer, and Joseph Sabbagh, 81–102. eScholarship Repository: University of California. https://escholarship.org/uc/item/8255v8sc.

    Google Scholar 

  60. Meltzer-Asscher, Aya, Julie Fadlon, Kayla Goldstein, and Ariel Holan. 2015. Direct object resumption in Hebrew: How modality of presentation and relative clause position affect acceptability. Lingua 166: 65–79.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  61. Morgan, Adam Milton, and Matthew W. Wagers. 2018. English resumptive pronouns are more common where gaps are less acceptable. Linguistic Inquiry 49: 861–876.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  62. Morgan, Adam Milton, Titus von der Malsburg, Victor S. Ferreira, and Eva Wittenberg. 2020. Shared syntax between comprehension and production: Multi-paradigm evidence that resumptive pronouns hinder comprehension. Cognition 104417.

  63. Nuger, Justin. 2016. Building predicates: The view from Palauan. Dordrecht: Springer.

    Book  Google Scholar 

  64. Prince, Ellen F. 1990. Syntax and discourse: A look at resumptive pronouns. In Berkeley Linguistics Society (BLS) 16: General session and parasession on the legacy of Grice, eds. Kira Hall, Jean-Pierre Koenig, Michael Meacham, Sondra Reinman, and Laurel A. Sutton, 482–497. Berkeley: Berkeley Linguistics Society.

    Google Scholar 

  65. Ross, John Robert. 1967. Constraints on variables in syntax. Ph.D. diss., MIT.

  66. Safir, Ken. 1986. Relative clauses in a theory of binding and levels. Linguistic Inquiry 17: 663–689.

    Google Scholar 

  67. Sells, Peter. 1984. Syntax and semantics of resumptive pronouns. Ph.D. diss., University of Massachusetts, Amherst.

  68. Shlonsky, Ur. 1992. Resumptive pronouns as a last resort. Linguistic Inquiry 23: 443–468.

    Google Scholar 

  69. Sichel, Ivy. 2014. Resumptive pronouns and competition. Linguistic Inquiry 45: 655–693.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  70. Sichel, Ivy. 2018. Anatomy of a counterexample: Extraction from relative clauses. Linguistic Inquiry 49: 335–378.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  71. Topping, Donald M. 1973. Chamorro reference grammar. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.

    Book  Google Scholar 

  72. Tyler, Lorraine Komisarjevsky, and Paul Warren. 1987. Local and global structure in spoken language comprehension. Journal of Memory and Language 26: 638–657.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  73. Wagers, Matthew W. 2013. Memory mechanisms for wh-dependency formation and their implications for islandhood. In Experimental syntax and island effects, eds. Jon Sprouse and Norbert Hornstein, 161–185. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

    Chapter  Google Scholar 

  74. Wagers, Matthew W., Manuel F. Borja, and Sandra Chung. 2018. Grammatical licensing and relative clause parsing in a flexible word-order language. Cognition 178: 207–221.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  75. n.d. Unedited database for the Revised Chamorro-English dictionary [CD]. University of California, Santa Cruz.

Download references

Acknowledgements

Many thanks to the 44 Chamorro speakers who participated in our elicited production experiment in the CNMI in September 2014. We are indebted to Manuel F. Borja, Dr. Elizabeth D. Rechebei, Francisco Tomokane, and the many others who have served as Chung’s Chamorro consultants over the years. We acknowledge the late Carol Georgopoulos for her important research on Palauan syntax; her works are the source of all the Palauan data cited here. We are grateful to Cameron Fruit for providing a digital version of the Chamorro New Testament. Finally, we thank Scarlett Clothier-Goldschmidt, Steven Foley, Boris Harizanov, Jim McCloskey, Ivy Sichel, Kristine Yu, Kie Zuraw and especially Justin Nuger for their help, support, and constructive comments. The research reported here was supported in part by NSF grant #BCS-1251429 to UC Santa Cruz.

Author information

Affiliations

Authors

Corresponding author

Correspondence to Sandra Chung.

Additional information

Publisher’s Note

Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

Rights and permissions

Reprints and Permissions

About this article

Verify currency and authenticity via CrossMark

Cite this article

Chung, S., Wagers, M.W. On the universality of intrusive resumption: Evidence from Chamorro and Palauan. Nat Lang Linguist Theory 39, 759–801 (2021). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11049-020-09493-9

Download citation

Keywords

  • Resumptive pronouns
  • Chamorro
  • Palauan
  • Elicited production