Advertisement

Condition C reconstruction, clausal ellipsis and island repair

  • Masaya YoshidaEmail author
  • David Potter
  • Tim Hunter
Article

Abstract

This paper makes two related but distinct claims concerning the relationship between islandhood and the clausal ellipsis construction known as stripping. The first claim is that (at least a certain version of) this construction is island insensitive: no unacceptability results from having a correlate inside an island. This claim is supported by evidence from a formal acceptability judgment study. The second claim concerns the question of how to best account for this phenomenon of island- insensitivity in stripping: we claim that this island-insensitivity is best explained via the notion of island-repair, i.e., the ellipsis site involves the structure of island yet the ellipsis operation ameliorates island violations as opposed to the alternatives that have been dubbed evasion approaches. By this we mean that the island-insensitivity cannot be explained by positing a smaller, non-island structure in the ellipsis site; while this approach does of course explain the lack of an island effect, we show that it is incompatible with other facts about the crucial example sentences. If we instead assume that movement out of an island is grammatical if the island is properly contained inside a clausal ellipsis site, then positing a complete island structure inside the ellipsis site can explain all the properties of these crucial examples.

Keywords

Stripping Clausal ellipsis Island Island-repair Condition C reconstruction 

Notes

Acknowledgements

We would like to thank three anonymous reviewers for their valuable comments and suggestions. We would also like to thank Matthew Barros, Sandy Chung, Bob Frank, Tomohiro Fujii, Theresa Gregoire, Norbert Hornstein, Howard Lasnik, Jason Merchant, and Ming Xiang, for their valuable comments and suggestions to the earlier version of this work. We are grateful to the audience of NELS 47. This work has been supported in part by NSF grant BCS-1323245 awarded to Masaya Yoshida.

References

  1. Abels, Klaus. 2011. Don’t repair that island! It ain’t broke. Ms., University College London. Google Scholar
  2. Baayen, Harold, Douglas J. Davidson, and Douglas M. Bates. 2008. Mixed-effects modeling with crossed random effects for subjects and items. Journal of Memory and Language 59: 390–412. CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  3. Baltin, Mark. 2010. The nonreality of doubly filled comps. Linguistic Inquiry 41: 331–335. CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  4. Barros, Matthew. 2012. Arguments against island repair: Evidence from contrastive TP-ellipsis. In Chicago Linguistic Society (CLS) 48, Chicago: Chicago: Linguistic Society. Google Scholar
  5. Barros, Matthew, Patrick Elliott, and Gary Thoms. 2014. There is no island repair. Ms., Rutgers University. Google Scholar
  6. Bosque, Ignacio. 1984. Negation and ellipsis. ELUA. Estudios de Lingüística. N. 2: 171–199. Google Scholar
  7. Büring, Daniel. 2005. Binding theory. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  8. Chomsky, Noam. 1977. On wh-movement. In Formal syntax, eds. Peter Culicover, Thomas Wasow, Adrian Akmajian, 71–132. New York: Academic Press. Google Scholar
  9. Chomsky, Noam. 1981. Lectures on government and binding. Dordrecht: Foris Publications. Google Scholar
  10. Chung, Sandra, and James McCloskey. 1983. On the interpretation of certain island facts in GPSG. Linguistic Inquiry 14: 704–713. Google Scholar
  11. Depiante, Marcela A. 2000. The syntax of deep and surface anaphora: A study of null complement anaphora and stripping/bare argument ellipsis. Ms., University of Connecticut. Google Scholar
  12. Erteschik-Shir, Nomi. 1977. On the nature of island constraints. Bloomington: Indiana University Linguistics Club. Google Scholar
  13. Fox, Danny. 1999. Reconstruction, binding theory, and the interpretation of chains. Linguistic Inquiry 30: 157–196. CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  14. Fox, Danny, and Howard Lasnik. 2003. Successive-cyclic movement and island repair: The difference between sluicing and VP-ellipsis. Linguistic Inquiry 34: 143–154. CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  15. Freidin, Robert. 1986. Fundamental issues in the theory of binding. In Studies in the acquisition of anaphora, ed. Barbara Lust, 151–188. Dordrecht: Reidel. CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  16. Fukaya, Teruhiko, and Hajime Hoji. 1999. Stripping and sluicing in Japanese and some implications. In West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics (WCCFL) 18, 145–158. Google Scholar
  17. Gordon, Peter C., and Randall Hendrick. 1997. Intuitive knowledge of linguistic co-reference. Cognition 62: 325–370. CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  18. Griffiths, James, and Anikó Lipták. 2014. Contrast and island sensitivity in clausal ellipsis. Syntax 17: 189–234. CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  19. Hankamer, Jorge, and Ivan A. Sag. 1976. Deep and surface anaphora. Linguistic Inquiry 7: 391–426. Google Scholar
  20. Hofmeister, Philip, and Ivan A. Sag. 2010. Cognitive constraints and island effects. Language 86: 366–415. CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  21. Hoji, Hajime, and Teruhiko Fukaya. 2001. On island repair and CM vs. non-CM constructions in English and Japanese. Paper presented at Kaken Workshop on Ellipsis, Kyoto. Google Scholar
  22. Hornstein, Norbert, Howard Lasnik, and Juan Uriagereka. 2007. The dynamics of islands: Speculations on the locality of movement. Linguistic Analysis 33: 149–175. Google Scholar
  23. Hunter, Tim, and Masaya Yoshida. 2016. A restriction on ‘vehicle change’ and its interaction with movement. Linguistic Inquiry 47(3): 561–571. CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  24. Kazanina, Nina, Ellen Lau, Moti Lieberman, Masaya Yoshida, and Colin Phillips. 2007. The effect of syntactic constraints on the processing of backwards anaphora. Journal of Memory and Language 56: 384–409. CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  25. Kuno, Susumu. 1976. Subject, theme, and the speaker’s empathy—A reexamination of relativization phenomena. In Subject and topic, ed. Charles N. Li, 417–444. New York: Academic Press. Google Scholar
  26. Lasnik, Howard. 1998. Some reconstruction riddles. In University of Pennsylvania working papers in linguistics 5.1, eds. A. Dimitriadis, H. Lee, C. Moisset, and A. Williams, 83–98. Philadelphia: Penn Linguistics Club, University of Pennsylvania. Google Scholar
  27. Lasnik, Howard. 2001. When can you save a structure by destroying it? In North East Linguistics Society (NELS) 31, eds. Minjoo Kim and Uri Strauss, 301–320. Amherst: GLSA. Google Scholar
  28. Lasnik, Howard. 2005. Review of the Syntax of Silence by Jason Merchant. Language 81: 259–265. CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  29. Lasnik, Howard. 2009. Island repair, non-repair and the organization of the grammar. In Interphases: Phase-theoretic investigations of linguistic interfaces, ed. Kleanthes Grohmann, 339–353. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Google Scholar
  30. Lasnik, Howard, and Myung-Kwan Park. 2003. The EPP and the subject condition under sluicing. Linguistic Inquiry 34: 649–660. CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  31. Lebeaux, Daivd. 1991. Relative clauses, licensing, and the nature of the derivation. In Syntax & semantics 25: Perspectives on phrase structure, ed. Susan Rothstein, 209–239. New York: Academic Press. Google Scholar
  32. Lebeaux, Daivd. 1995. Where does the binding theory apply? Vol. 3 of University of Maryland Working Papers in Linguistics, 63–88. Google Scholar
  33. McCawley, James D. 1981. The syntax and semantics of English relative clause. Lingua 53: 99–149. CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  34. Merchant, Jason. 2001. The syntax of silence: Sluicing, islands, and the theory of ellipsis. Oxford studies in theoretical linguistics. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Google Scholar
  35. Merchant, Jason. 2004. Fragments and ellipsis. Linguistics and Philosophy 27: 661–738. CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  36. Merchant, Jason. 2008. Variable island repair under ellipsis. In Topics in ellipsis, ed. Kyle Johnson, 132–152. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Google Scholar
  37. Merchant, Jason, Lyn Frazier, Charles Clifton Jr., and Thomas Weskott. 2013. Fragment answers to questions: A case of inaudible syntax. In Brevity, ed. Laurence Goldstein, 21–35. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Google Scholar
  38. Nakao, Chizuru. 2009. Island repair and non-repair by PF-strategies. PhD diss., University of Maryland. Google Scholar
  39. Ortega-Santos, Iván, Masaya Yoshida, and Chizuru Nakao. 2014. On ellipsis structures involving a wh-remnant and a non-wh-remnant. Lingua 138: 55–85. CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  40. Pollard, Carl Jesse, and Ivan A. Sag. 1992. Anaphors in English and the scope of binding theory. Linguistic Inquiry 23: 261–303. Google Scholar
  41. Pollard, Carl Jesse, and Ivan A. Sag. 1994. Head-driven phrase-structure grammar. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Google Scholar
  42. Pollmann, Tessel. 1975. Een Regel Die Subject En Copula Deleert? Spektator 5: 282–292. Google Scholar
  43. Reinhart, Tanya. 1991. Elliptic conjunctions: Non-quantificational LF. In The Chomskyan turn, ed. Asa Kasher, 360–384. Oxford: Blackwell. Google Scholar
  44. Reinhart, Tahya, and Eric Reuland. 1991. Anaphors and logophors: An argument structure perspective. In Long-distance anaphora, eds. Jan Koster and Eric Reuland, 283–321. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  45. Reinhart, Tanya, and Eric Reuland. 1993. Reflexivity. Linguistic Inquiry 24: 657–720. Google Scholar
  46. Rizzi, Luigi. 1997. The fine structure of the left periphery. In Elements of grammar: Handbook in generative syntax, ed. Liliane Haegeman, 281–337. Dordrecht: Kluwer. CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  47. Rodrigues, Cilene, Andrew Nevins, and Luis Vicente. 2009. Cleaving the interactions between sluicing and P-stranding. In Romance languages and linguistic theory, eds. Daniéle Torck, Wetzel, and W. Leo, 175–198. Amsterdam: Benjamins. 2006. Google Scholar
  48. Ross John Robert. 1969. Guess who? In Chicago Linguistic Society (CLS) 5, eds. Robert I. Binnick, A. Davison, Georgia M. Green, and James L. Morgan, 252–286. Chicago: Chicago Linguistic Society. Google Scholar
  49. Rottman, Isaac, and Masaya Yoshida. 2013. Sluicing, idioms, and island repair. Linguistic Inquiry 44: 651–668. CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  50. Runner, Jeffrey T. 2002. When minimalism isn’t enough: an argument for argument structure. Linguistic Inquiry 33: 172–182. CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  51. Sprouse, Jon, and Norbert Hornstein, eds. 2013. Experimental syntax and island effects. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Google Scholar
  52. Sprouse, Jon, Matthew Wagers, and Colin Phillips. 2012a. A test of the relation between working-memory capacity and syntactic island effects. Language 88: 82–123. CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  53. Sprouse, Jon, Matthew Wagers, and Colin Phillips. 2012b. Working-memory capacity and island effects: A reminder of the issues and the facts. Language 88: 401–407. CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  54. Steedman, Mark. 1996. Surface structure and interpretation. Cambridge: MIT Press. Google Scholar
  55. van Craenenbroeck, Jeroen. 2010. Invisible last resort: A note on clefts as the underlying source for sluicing. Lingua 120: 1714–1726. CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  56. van Craenenbroeck, Jereon. 2012. How do you sluice when there is more than one CP. In Sluicing: Cross-linguistic perspectives, eds. Jason Merchant and Andrew Simpson, 40–67. Oxford: Oxford University Press. CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  57. Vicente, Luis. 2008. On the availability of copular clauses as sources for clausal ellipsis. Chicago, IL, USA. Talk at the 44th Chicago Linguistics Society (CLS 44). Google Scholar
  58. Vicente, Luis. To appear. Sluicing and its subtypes. In The Oxford handbook of ellipsis, eds. Jereon van Craenenbroeck and Tanja Temmerman. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Google Scholar
  59. Weir, Andrew. 2014. Fragments and clausal ellipsis. PhD diss., University of Massachusetts, Amherst. Google Scholar
  60. Yoshida, Masaya, Michael Walsh Dickey, and Patick Sturt. 2013. Predictive processing of syntactic structure: Sluicing and ellipsis in real-time sentence processing. Language and Cognitive Process 28: 272–302. CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  61. Yoshida, Masaya, Chizuru Nakao, and Iván Ortega-Santos. 2015. The syntax of why-stripping. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 33: 323–370. CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Copyright information

© Springer Nature B.V. 2018

Authors and Affiliations

  1. 1.Department of LinguisticsNorthwestern UniversityEvanstonUSA
  2. 2.Department of EnglishMorehead State UniversityMoreheadUSA
  3. 3.Department of LinguisticsUniversity of California Los AngelesLos AngelesUSA

Personalised recommendations