Natural Language & Linguistic Theory

, Volume 37, Issue 1, pp 123–165 | Cite as

Raising, unphased

  • Claire HalpertEmail author


This paper investigates cross-linguistic variation in raising-to-subject constructions, proposing a unified account for the derivation of hyper-raising and standard raising. I argue that the presence or absence of these constructions in a given language can be determined without recourse to phases by independent properties of CP and TP in the language, including: (1) whether CPs or infinitival phrases are phi-goals in the language and (2) the presence of an EPP effect on T and (and how it can be satisfied). I show that variation in these factors can capture a number of different raising profiles found cross-linguistically, including the hyper-raising pattern found in Zulu and Uyghur, the absence of raising in Makhuwa and Matengo, and the more familiar pattern of English.


Raising-to-subject EPP Phi-agreement Clausal arguments 



Many thanks to all of my Zulu consultants for help with the Zulu data in this paper; in particular, I’m grateful to Mthuli Percival Buthelezi, Mpho Dlamini, Monwabisi Mhlophe, and the Katamzi family for their continued time and patience over the years. Thanks as well to Vicki Carstens, Michael Diercks, Julie Legate, David Pesetsky, Jenneke van der Wal, Jochen Zeller, three anonymous reviewers, and audiences at GLOW, WCCFL, UC Santa Cruz, UW-Milwaukee, McGill, MIT, and the University of KwaZulu-Natal for helpful feedback and discussion.


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© Springer Nature B.V. 2018

Authors and Affiliations

  1. 1.MinneapolisUSA

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