This study provides an argument for syntactic approaches to sluicing. We base our study on the novel observation that Parasitic Gaps (PG) are licensed in sluicing contexts. We show that, in order for PGs to be licensed in sluicing contexts, overt wh-movement must occur, leaving a real gap in the ellipsis site. Therefore, the ellipsis site has the full-fledged syntactic structure that licenses PGs.
This is a preview of subscription content, log in to check access.
Buy single article
Instant access to the full article PDF.
Price includes VAT for USA
Subscribe to journal
Immediate online access to all issues from 2019. Subscription will auto renew annually.
This is the net price. Taxes to be calculated in checkout.
All the data reported here are based on the judgments we collected from 6 native speakers of English. Note, importantly, all the judgments are relative rather than absolute. As usual, it is the relative differences in acceptability that matter. There are cases in which the contrasts are subtle, but all the speakers we interviewed reported the contrasts presented in this study.
Note that PG-locality must hold “in the right direction”: the PG-licensor must be PG-local to the PG-host, and this may well be the case without it also being true that the PG-host is PG-local to the PG-licensor.
Note that this is not always the case, as multiple sluicing is allowed in English (Bolinger 1978; cf. Lasnik 2013 and Nishigauchi 1998, who argue against the possibility of multiple sluicing in English). Although it is an interesting question what differentiates multiple sluicing from cases like (8), we set this point aside as it is not central to our discussion.
Note that the potential PG-host can indeed be fronted even if, unlike those in (9), it indeed contains a PG. For example, (i) contains a PG in the fronted PG-host, which is licensed by the RG left by heavy NP shift (this possibility was suggested by Marcel den Dikken, p.c.).
[Exactly how soon after receiving __PG] should I review __RG1 for your journal [the book that you had asked me to write a review article on]1?
The availability of PGs in wh-phrases was also noted by Pesetsky (2000:33):
Which girl did you persuade [which friend of __PG] to congratulate __RG?
We do not consider explicitly the non-elided version of (12) for now, because it involves an additional complication: it turns out this non-elided version is not acceptable, because the movement of the wh-phrase that becomes the remnant constitutes a wh-island violation. We return to this issue in a later section.
Note that there is nothing in general preventing a single A-bar trace from independently licensing two distinct parasitic gaps, as illustrated by the following example:
Which book did [the author of __] ask you to review __ [soon after receiving __]?
We assume syntactic/structural identity. We make no claims about whether a semantic identity condition could also be formulated that gets these facts right, but to the extent that the relevant factor distinguishing pairs like (12a) and (14b) really is the overt/covert nature of (the movement that creates) the potentially-licensing gap, it seems most easily accounted for on a syntactic/structural identity approach.
We can also imagine an attempted derivation of the sentences in (14) where the bracketed constituents are wh-remnants of a sluicing operation that elided valid PG-licensor material (namely, exactly the material that is elided in our analysis of (12)). On such a derivation, the crucial third gap is licensed by an appropriate elided PG-licensor, but this elided PG-licensor is not itself licensed because it fails to satisfy parallelism with the antecedent clause.
Note that it is also possible to have PGs in the remnant of contrast sluicing (Merchant 2001), where the remnant and the correlate are contrastively focused.
The editor told me which book I must review [soon after receiving__], but I don’t remember [how soon after discussing __].
Some speakers (3 out of 6 in our sample) recognize a slight improvement of this example if the pronoun it is replaced by an epithet like the damn thing:
The editor told me which newly published book I must review, but I don’t remember how soon after receiving __PG I must review the damn thing.
Although this is an interesting pattern, it is not clear to us what the relation is between epithets and PGs. We leave this point open for the further research.
We have switched to using a finite adjunct clause here, rather than adjunct control as in previous examples based on (3), to avoid complications that might arise from having no overt controller for an adjunct clause’s PRO in passive cases like (19b).
The unacceptability of example (20b) supports the position that sluicing does not tolerate voice mismatch (Merchant 2008, 2013a). If, in (20b), the elided TP could be active voice as illustrated in (i) (as it is in (20a)), then there would be a PG-local A-bar gap to license the PG. Thus the violation of the anti-c-command condition could be circumvented. The fact that (20b) is unacceptable argues against the possibility of such voice-mismatched structure in sluicing.
…but I don’t remember [how soon after he receives __PG] the editor told me which newly published book __RG I must review __.
The two sentences in (21) differ in two (arguably independent) respects: first, the category of the “real gap” differs, and second, the category of the potentially parasitic gap differs. Examples where the categories of the two gaps do not match are also unacceptable. It is arguably unclear whether this should be taken as a fact specifically relating to PG-licensing, or whether it reflects some more general property perhaps of subcategorization and/or chain uniformity. In any case, this pattern also carries over to the sluicing/sprouting cases.
Movement of an adjunct like how soon out of wh-island incurs a subjacency problem as well as an ECP problem. It has been claimed that PF-island violations, some of which can be subsumed to subjacency violations, can be repaired by ellipsis as ellipsis is understood as PF-deletion (Merchant 2001; Lasnik 2001, 2005, 2007), but it is not clear whether the violation of the ECP, which constrains LF-movement as well as overt movement (Lasnik and Saito 1984, 1992; Huang 1982), can be repaired by PF-deletion as well (see Nakao and Yoshida 2007; Nakao 2009 for the related discussion). We discuss the problem of the ECP in Sect. 3.2.
Likewise, analyses that tie island-amelioration effects under sluicing to the availability of a resumptive pronoun at the base position of the wh-remnant (Boeckx 2008; Wang 2007; cf., Rottman and Yoshida 2013) are not compatible with examples like (30a). This is because English lacks a resumptive element that can resume an adjunct wh-clause (see Merchant 2001 on the related discussion). Since no possible resumptive pronoun exists to occupy the base position of the sluicing remnant, such an analysis predicts (30a) and similar examples to be ungrammatical, contrary to fact.
The suggestion to consider the possibility that a novel kind of short-source analysis might be available came from an anonymous reviewer.
Among the many issues, an anonymous reviewer points out that if the ellipsis site is understood as defined by a phase domain (either the phase projection of the complement of phases) (Bošković 2014), eliding a segment of CP is not an option. Alternative approaches that do not tie ellipsis to phases, and which adopt a split-CP structure (Rizzi 1997) and assume that sluicing targets the lowest CP projection (Baltin 2010) could propose that the second wh-phrase moves into the lower Spec_CP, and the lower CP, including the second wh-phrase but excluding the first wh-phrase, is elided in sluicing.
We take this to be the only available reading of (34), but note that if it were shown that (34) had a distinct additional reading that were adequately captured by (35), this would not affect our argument. The existence of the “long” reading that we focus on suffices to establish that the “long source” structure we propose is licit, and therefore that sluicing can repair island violations. A second reading adequately captured by (35) would show only that (34) is ambiguous between this shorter island-free structure and the longer island-repair structure.
That these sprouting examples should pattern this way is somewhat surprising, given that in cases such as (i), it is generally accepted that Condition-C reconstruction of adjuncts is optional. Many thanks to an anonymous reviewer for reminding us of this important issue. It is possible that this difference between (i) and (36) is a result of the “form-chain” operation, as opposed to ordinary movement, which produces sprouting under Chung et al. (1995) analysis.
Common analyses of this more familiar pattern in (i) would attribute the optionality of reconstruction to the fact that the how soon clause is an adjunct (rather than a complement) (Freidin 1986; Lebeaux 1988, 1995; similar observations in an earlier framework are made in Ross 1969, Lees and Klima 1963 and Langacker 1969), although this generalization has been questioned (Lasnik 1998, 2003; Kuno 1997) and alternative approaches have been proposed (Barss 1986, 1988; Huang 1993; Heycock 1995).
Marcel den Dikken (p.c.) pointed out to us that in an example like (i) the coreference of the pronoun he and the name John is somehow blocked, even though the example does not involve ellipsis and the pronoun and the name do not clearly stand in a c-command relation.
*He1 loves her but John1 doesn’t know it yet.
This example may suggest that the contrast in (36) does not stem from a Binding Condition C violation. But this does not seem to be a consistent effect: the following analogous sentences seem to be more acceptable than (i).
He1 loves her but John1 can’t marry her.
He1 loves her but John1 doesn’t know he loves her yet.
In light of (iii), one possible explanation is that the unacceptability of (i) has something to do with the use of the “clausal pronoun” it; this would be consistent with the fact that (iv) is also quite degraded.
*He1 loves her and John1 knows it.
It is not clear to us how the clausal pronoun might be affecting the possibility of coreference, but we tentatively conclude on the basis of (ii) and (iii) that whatever is going wrong in (i) is not a factor in (36a), and therefore that the contrast in (36) is indeed due to the Binding Condition C violation.
A finding that ECP violations are not repaired would receive a straightforward analysis under the T-model of grammar: since the ECP has been thought to be a constraint that applies at LF (Lasnik and Saito 1984, 1992; Huang 1982), it is to be expected that ellipsis—taken to be a process of PF deletion—cannot rescue ECP violations. Natural as this picture might be, there is nothing incoherent about supposing that a constraint can both (i) apply to covert movement and (ii) have its violations repaired by ellipsis.
L&P’s examples involve sprouting. If the examples are changed to merger-type sluicing with an explicit correlate, the acceptability markedly improves.
(i) Mary found out who met three teachers from some Midwestern city, but I don’t know from which city .
Six native speakers we interviewed found that (i) is much more acceptable than (40a). The contrast between (i) and Lasnik and Park’s (40a) suggests that sprouting is somewhat more sensitive than merger-type sluicing, as has been noticed before (Chung et al. 1995; Romero 1998), although the question of why this should be remains open.
Note, the repair effect seen in (i) can also be accounted for by the proposals of Bošković (2005, 2013, 2014), which attempt to exclude the ECP-based explanation of the unacceptability of adjunct extraction from NPs. First, Bošković argues that DP is a phase in English, and that adjunct extraction out of NP is excluded because the adjunct cannot move to Spec_DP in the following configuration:
[DP …[NP [NP…] [PP…]]]
In (ii), the movement from the adjunct position to the Spec_DP is too local, as the movement does not cross a full phrasal node (an anti-locality violation: Abels 2003; Bošković 1994, 1997; Grohmann 2003; Saito and Murasugi 1999 among others). As a result, the movement of the adjunct PP must violate the Phase Impenetrability Condition (PIC: Chomsky 2000, 2001). On the other hand, Bošković has independently shown that PIC/anti-locality violation can be rescued by PF-deletion. Therefore, from Bošković’s theory of NPs, Phases and Rescue-by-PF-deletion (Bošković 2011, 2013), the amelioration effect in (i) follows without appealing to the amelioration of ECP-violations.
Six native English speakers whom we interviewed reported that in (42b) and (42c) the non-island violating short-source interpretation (why/how he fixed cars) is much easier to access than the long-distance reading. However, all the speakers agreed that it is possible to have the long-distance interpretation.
Even though we are citing (44a) as an example of an ECP-violation, since this is how Chung et al. (1995) describe it, (44a) is at least not a typical ECP violation. The wh-remnant in (44a) originates as the complement of an adjunct PP embedded inside a complex NP island and a wh-island, so this is actually a case of the violation of the Condition on Extraction Domains (CED: Huang 1982). On the other hand, (44b) does involve the movement of an adjunct wh-phrase why.
Here we concentrate on the LF-copying approach specifically in the context of sluicing. However, as long as PGs are licensed in other ellipsis contexts (see Kennedy 2003 for discussion on VP-ellipsis and PGs), we believe that the same problem arises with the LF-copying approaches to ellipsis contexts other than sluicing (Fiengo and May 1994; Shopen 1972; Wasow 1972; Williams 1977 among others).
Unless otherwise specified, “movement” refers to full phrasal movement, not just movement of formal features.
Bošković (2002) reports other PG data which, admittedly, already pose serious problems for this view: in Romanian, PGs can be licensed by wh-in-situ as well as by overt wh-movement (Bošković 2002:374–375). This effect carries over to sluicing examples parallel to those we have been considering in English: the PG is licensed not only by the overt wh-movement gap in (ia), but also by the wh-in-situ in (ib).
This situation makes sense if the relevant Romanian in-situ wh-phrases are indeed indistinguishable from fronted wh-phrases from the point of view of narrow syntax and simply pronounced in their base positions, but this suggests that in-situ wh-phrases in English cannot be analyzed in this way, since they do not license PGs.
An additional puzzle for analyses of the connection between overt/covert movement and PG-licensing arises from the observation that at least sometimes, English in-situ wh-phrases do seem to license PGs. Nissenbaum (2000:12) cites the following examples.
This might be interpreted as evidence that whatever kind of wh-in-situ occurs in Romanian that licenses PGs can at least sometimes occur in English too.
Again we are assuming here that the key issue underlying the contrast between (4a) and (4b) really is the overt/covert distinction. It is possible that the underlying distinction is in fact something else that is confounded with the overt/covert distinction: for example, restricting attention to (4a) and (4b), we can not rule out the possibility that the more accurate generalization is that the object position of a single-interrogative is a PG-licensor whereas the object position of a multiple-interrogative is not.
There have been some attempts to explain “S-structure effects” in PG licensing from the perspective of the Minimalist Program, in which “S-structure” is abandoned as a level of representation (Nissenbaum 2000; Nunes 2001, 2004 among others). However, even within these explanations, the distinction between the overt cycle and the covert cycle is maintained.
This requires, of course, that whatever constraint distinguishes (47a) from (47b) can be stated representationally, rather than being something that is inherently derivational in nature. But we see no reason to doubt that a representational statement of the relevant constraint should be possible.
Abels, Klaus. 2003. Successive cyclicity, anti-locality, and adposition stranding. PhD diss., University of Connecticut.
Abels, Klaus. 2011. Don’t repair that island! It ain’t broke. Ms. ms., University College London, London, UK.
Aoun, Joseph, and Robin Clark. 1985. On non-overt operators. In Studies in syntax, eds. Gary Gilligan, Mohammad Mohammad, and Ian Roberts. Vol. 10 of Southern California occasional papers in linguistics. Los Angeles: University of Southern California, Department of Linguistics.
Baltin, Mark. 2010. The nonreality of doubly filled comps. Linguistic Inquiry 41: 331–335.
Barker, Chris. 2012a. Scopability and sluicing. Ms., New York University.
Barker, Chris. 2012b. How to sprout. Ms., the paper reseted at Semantics and Linguistic Theory 22 (SALT 22).
Barros, Matthew. 2012. Arguments against island repair: Evidence from contrastive TP ellipsis. In The 48th annual meeting of the Chicago Linguistic Society (CLS 48), Chicago: Chicago Linguistic Society.
Barss, Andrew. 1986. Chains and anaphoric dependencies, PhD diss., Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
Barss, Andrew. 1988. Paths, connectivity, and featureless empty categories. In Constituent structure, eds. Anna Cardinaletti, Guglielmo Cinque, and Giuliana Giusti, 9–34. Dordrecht: Foris.
Bobaljik, Jonathan David. 1995. Morphosyntax: The syntax of verbal inflection, PhD diss., Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
Bobaljik, Jonathan David. 2002. A-chains at the PF-interface: Copies and ‘covert’ movement. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 20: 197–267.
Boeckx, Cedric, and Howard Lasnik. 2006. Intervention and repair. Linguistic Inquiry 37: 150–155.
Boeckx, Cedric. 2008. Bare syntax. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Bolinger, Dwight. 1978. Asking more than one thing at a time. In Questions, ed. Henry Hiz, 107–150. Dordrecht: Reidel.
Bošković, Željko. 1994. D-Structure, theta-criterion and movement into theta-positions. Linguistic Analysis 24: 247–286.
Bošković, Željko. 1997. The syntax of nonfinite complementation: An economy approach. Cambridge: MIT Press.
Bošković, Željko. 2002. On multiple wh-fronting. Linguistic Inquiry 33: 351–383.
Bošković, Željko. 2005. On the locality of left branch extraction and the structure of NP. Studia Linguistica 59: 1–45.
Bošković, Željko. 2011. Rescue by PF deletion, traces as (non)interveners, and the that-trace effect. Linguistic Inquiry 42: 1–44.
Bošković, Željko. 2013. Phases beyond clauses. In Nominal constructions: Slavic and beyond, eds. Lilia Schürcks, Anastaisa Giannakidou, and Urtzi Etxeberria. Berlin: de Gruyter.
Bošković, Željko. 2014. Now I’m a phase, now I’m not a phase: On the variability of phases with extraction and ellipsis. Linguistic Inquiry 45(1): 27–89.
Brody, Michael. 1995. Lexico-logical form: A radically minimalist theory. Vol. 27 of Linguistic inquiry monographs. Cambridge: MIT Press.
Browning, Marguerite. 1987. Null operator constructions. PhD diss., Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
Chomsky, Noam. 1982. Some concepts and consequences of the theory of government and binding. Vol. 6 of Linguistic inquiry monographs. Cambridge: MIT Press.
Chomsky, Noam. 1986. Barriers. Cambridge: MIT Press.
Chomsky, Noam. 1995. The minimalist program. Cambridge: MIT Press.
Chomsky, Noam. 2000. Minimalist inquiries: The framework. In Step by step: Essays on minimalism in honor of Howard Lasnik, eds. Roger Martin, David Michaels, and Juan Uriagereka, 89–155. Cambridge: MIT Press.
Chomsky, Noam. 2001. Derivation by phase. In Ken Hale: A life in language, ed. Michael Kenstowicz, 1–52. Cambridge: MIT Press.
Chung, Sandra, William A. Ladusaw, and James McCloskey. 1995. Sluicing and logical form. Natural Language Semantics 3: 239–282.
Chung, Sandra, William A. Ladusaw, and James Mccloskey. 2011. Sluicing(:) between structure and inference. In Representing language: essays in honor of Judith Aissen, eds. Rodrigo Gutiérrez-Bravo, Line Mikkelsen, and Eric Potsdam, 31–50. Santa Cruz: California Digital Library eScholarship Repository.
Cinque, Guglielmo. 1990. Types of A′-dependencies. Vol. 17 of Linguistic inquiry monographs. Cambridge: MIT Press.
van Craenenbroeck, Jereon. 2010a. The syntax of ellipsis. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
van Craenenbroeck, Jereon. 2010b. Invisible last resort: A note on clefts as the underlying source for sluicing. Lingua 120: 1714–1726.
Culicover, Peter W. 2001. Parasitic gaps: A history. In Parasitic gaps, eds. Peter W. Culicover and Paul M. Postal, 3–68. Cambridge: MIT Press.
Culicover, Peter W., and Ray Jackendoff. 2005. Simpler syntax. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Depiante, Marcela A. 2000. The syntax of deep and surface anaphora: A study of null complement anaphora and stripping/bare argument ellipsis. University of Connecticut.
Emonds, Joseph E. 1985. A unified theory of syntactic categories. Studies in generative grammar. Dordrecht: Foris.
Engdahl, Elisabet. 1983. Parasitic gaps. Linguistics and Philosophy 6: 5–34.
Epstein, Samuel David, Erich M. Groat, Ruriko Kawashima, and Hisatsugu Kitahara. 1998. A derivational approach to syntactic relations. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Epstein, Samuel David, and T. Daniel Seely. 2002. Derivation and explanation in the minimalist program. Vol. 6 of Generative syntax. Malden: Blackwell.
Erteschik-Shir, Nomi. 1977. On the nature of island constraints. Bloomington: Indiana University Linguistics Club.
Fiengo, Robert, and Robert May. 1994. Indices and identity. Vol. 24 of Linguistic inquiry monographs. Cambridge: MIT Press.
Fortin, Catherine R. 2011. We need LF copying: A few good reasons why. In Proceedings of the 28th West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics (WCCFL 28), eds. Mary Byram Washburn, Katherine Mckinney-Bock, Erika Varis, Ann Sawyer, and Barbara Tomaszewicz, 87–95. Somerville: Cascadilla Press.
Fox, Danny, and Howard Lasnik. 2003. Successive-cyclic movement and island repair: The difference between sluicing and VP-ellipsis. Linguistic Inquiry 34: 143–154.
Frampton, John. 1990. Parasitic gaps and the theory of wh-chains. Linguistic Inquiry 21: 49–77.
Freidin, Robert. 1986. Fundamental issues in the theory of binding. In Studies in the acquisition of anaphora, ed. Barbara Lust, 151–188. Dordrecht: Reidel.
Ginzburg, Jonathan, and Ivan A. Sag. 2000. Interrogative investigations. Stanford: CSLI Publications.
Groat, Erich, and John O’Neil. 1996. Spell-out at the LF interface. In Minimal ideas: Syntactic studies in the minimalist framework, eds. Abraham Werner, Samuel David Epstein, Hoskuldur Thráinsson, and Jan-Wouter Zwart, 113–139. Amsterdam: Benjamins.
Grohmann, Kleanthes K. 2003. Prolific domains: On the anti-locality of movement dependencies. Amsterdam: Benjamins.
Hagstrom, Paul. 1998. Decomposing questions. PhD diss., Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
Hankamer, Jorge, and Ivan A. Sag. 1976. Deep and durface anaphora. Linguistic Inquiry 7: 391–426.
Heycock, Caroline. 1995. Asymmetries in reconstruction. Linguistic Inquiry 26: 547–570.
Hornstein, Norbert. 2001. Move! A minimalist theory of construal. Oxford: Basil Blackwell.
Hornstein, Norbert, and Jairo Nunes. 2002. On asymmetries between parasitic gap and across-the-board constructions. Syntax 5: 26–54.
Huang, Cheng-Teh James. 1982. Logical relations in Chinese and the theory of grammar. PhD diss., Massachusetts Institute of Techonology.
Huang, Cheng-Teh James. 1993. Reconstruction and the structure of VP: Some theoretical consequences. Linguistic Inquiry 24: 103–138.
Kayne, Richard S. 1983. Connectedness. Linguistic Inquiry 14: 223–249.
Kennedy, Christopher. 2003. Ellipsis and syntactic representation. In The interfaces: Deriving and interpreting omitted structure, eds. Kerstin Schwabe and Susanne Winkler, 29–53. Amsterdam: Benjamins.
Koster, Jan. 1987. Domains and dynasties: The radical autonomy of syntax. Dordrecht: Foris.
Kuno, Susumo. 1997. Binding theory in the minimalist program. Ms., Harvard University.
Langacker, Ronald. W. 1969. On pronominalization and the chain of command. In Modern studies in English, eds. D. A. Reibel and S. A. Schane, 160–186. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall.
Lasnik, Howard. 1998. Some reconstruction riddles. In University of Pennsylvania working papers in linguistics: Proceedings from the 22nd annual penn linguistics colloquium: 5-1, eds. A. Dimitriadis, H. Lee, C. Moisset, and A. Williams, 83–98.
Lasnik, Howard. 2001. When can you save a structure by destroying it? In Proceedings of the North East Linguistics Society, eds. M. Kim and U. Strauss. Vol. 31 of NELS 31, 301–320. Amherst: University of Massachusetts/GLSA.
Lasnik, Howard. 2003. Minimalist investigations in linguistic theory. London: Routledge.
Lasnik, Howard. 2005. Review of the syntax of silence, by Jason Merchant. Language 81: 259–265.
Lasnik, Howard. 2007. On ellipsis: The PF approach to missing constituents. In University of Maryland working papers in linguistics, eds. Anastasia Conroy, Chunyuan Jing, Chizuru Nakao, and Eri Takahashi, 143–153. College Park: Department of Linguistics, University of Maryland.
Lasnik, Howard. 2013. Multiple sluicing in English? Syntax 17(1): 1–20.
Lasnik, Howard, and Mamoru Saito. 1984. On the nature of proper government. Linguistic Inquiry 15: 235–289.
Lasnik, Howard, and Mamoru Saito. 1992. Move α: Conditions on its application and output. Cambridge: MIT Press.
Lasnik, Howard, and Myung-Kwan Park. 2003. The EPP and the subject condition under sluicing. Linguistic Inquiry 34: 649–660.
Lebeaux, David. 1995. Where does the binding theory apply? University of Maryland Working Papers in Linguistics 3: 63–88.
Lebeaux, David. 1988. Language acquisition and the form of the grammar. Doctoral diss., University of Massachusetts, Amherst.
Lees, Robert B., and Edward S. Klima. 1963. Rules for English pronominalization. Language 39(1): 17–28.
Lobeck, Anne C. 1995. Ellipsis: Functional heads, licensing, and identification. New York: Oxford University Press.
May, Robert. 1991. Syntax, semantics, and logical form. In The Chomskyan turn, ed. Asa Kasher, 334–359. Oxford: Blackwell.
Merchant, Jason. 1998. “Pseudosluicing”: Elliptical clefts in Japanese and English. In Zas working papers in linguistics, eds. Artemis Alexiadou, N. Fuhrhop, Paul Law, and U. Kleinhenz, 88–112. Berlin: Zentrum für Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft.
Merchant, Jason. 2001. The syntax of silence: Sluicing, islands, and the theory of ellipsis. Vol. 1 of Oxford studies in theoretical linguistics. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Merchant, Jason. 2002. Swiping in Germanic. In Studies in comparative Germanic syntax: Proceedings from the 15th workshop on comparative Germanic syntax, eds. C. Jan-Wouter Zwart and Werner Abraham, 289–315. Amsterdam: Benjamins.
Merchant, Jason. 2004. Fragments and ellipsis. Linguistics and Philosophy 27: 661–738.
Merchant, Jason. 2008. An asymmetry in voice mismatches in VP-ellipsis and pseudogapping. Linguistic Inquiry 39(1): 169–179.
Merchant, Jason. 2013a. Voice and ellipsis. Linguistic Inquiry 44(1): 77–108.
Merchant, Jason. 2013b. Diagnosing ellipsis. In Diagnosing syntax, eds. Lisa L.S. Cheng and Norbert Cover, 441–462. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Nakao, Chizuru. 2009. Island repair and non-repair by PF-strategies. PhD diss., University of Maryland.
Nakao, Chizuru, and Masaya Yoshida. 2007. ‘Not-so-propositional’ islands and their implications for swiping. In Proceedings of WECOL 2006, eds. Erin Bainbridge and Brain Agbayani. 322–333. Fresno: University of California.
Nishigauchi, Taisuke. 1998. ‘Multiple sluicing’ in Japanese and the functional nature of Wh-phrases. Journal of East Asian Linguistics 7: 121–152.
Nissenbaum, Jonathan W. 2000. Investigations of covert phrase movement. PhD diss., MIT Press.
Nunes, Jairo. 2001. Sideward movement. Linguistic Inquiry 32: 244–303.
Nunes, Jairo. 2004. Linearization of chains and sideward movement. Cambridge: MIT Press.
Nunes, Jairo, and Juan Uriagereka. 2000. Cyclicity and extraction domains. Syntax 3: 20–43.
Ortega-Santos, Iván, Masaya Yoshida, and Chizuru Nakao. 2012. (Micro)parametric variation in the syntax of sluice-stripping. Ms., Northwestern University.
Pesetsky, David. 1987. Wh-in-situ: Movement and unselective binding. In The representation of (in)definiteness, eds. Eric Reuland and G. B. Alice Ter Meulen, 98–129. Cambridge: MIT Press.
Pesetsky, David. 1998. Some optimality principles of sentence pronunciation. In Is the best good enough? Optimality and competition in syntax, eds. Pilar Barbosa, Danny Fox, Paul Hagstrom, Martha Mcginnis, and David Pesetsky, 337–383. Cambridge: MIT Press.
Pesetsky, David Michael. 2000. Phrasal movement and its kin. Cambridge: MIT Press.
Phillips, Colin. 2006. The real-time status of island phenomena. Language 82: 795–823.
Pollmann, T.. 1975. Een regel die subject en copula deleert? Spektator 5: 282–292.
Postal, Paul M. 1993. Parasitic gaps and the across-the-board phenomenon. Linguistic Inquiry 24: 735–754.
Reinhart, Tanya. 1991. Elliptic conjunctions—non-quantificational Lf. In The Chomskyan turn, ed. Asa Kasher, 360–384. Oxford: Blackwell.
Richards, Norvin. 2001. Movement in language: Interactions and architectures. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Rizzi, Luigi. 1997. The fine structure of the left periphery. In Elements of grammar: handbook in generative syntax, ed. Liliane Haegeman, 281–337. Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic.
Ross, John Robert. 1969. Guess who? In Papers from the 5th regional meeting of the Chicago Linguistic Society, eds. Robert I. Binnick, A. Davison, Georgia M. Green, and James L. Morgan, 252–286. Chicago: Chicago Linguistic Society.
Rottman, Isaac, and Masaya Yoshida. 2013. Sluicing, idioms and island repair. Linguistic Inquiry 44: 651–668.
Saito, Mamoru, and Keiko Murasugi. 1999. Subject predication within IP and DP. In Beyond principles and parameters: Essay in memory of Osvaldo Jaeggli, eds. Kyle Johnson and Ian Roberts, 159–182. Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic.
Shopen, Tim. 1972. A generative theory of ellipsis: A consideration of the linguistic use of silence. PhD diss., reproduced by the, Indiana University Linguistics Club, Urbana, Ill.
Tsai, Wei-tien Dylan. 1994a. On economizing the theory of A-bar dependencies. Doctoral diss., MIT Press.
Tsai, Wei-Tien Dylan. 1994b. On nominal islands and LF extraction in Chinese. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 12: 121–175.
Vicente, Luis. 2008. On the availability of copular clauses as sources for clausal ellipsis. Ms., talk given at the 44th Chicago Linguistics Society (CLS 44), at University of Chicago, Chicago, IL. USA.
Wang, Chyan-an Arthur. 2007. Sluicing and resumption. In The proceedings of the 37th North East Linguistuc Society, 239–252. Amherst: GLSA Publications.
Wasow, Thomas. 1972. Anaphoric relations in English. PhD diss., Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
Williams, Edwin S. 1977. Discourse & logical form. Linguistic Inquiry 8: 101–139.
Yoshida, Masaya, Chizuru Nakao, and Iván Ortega-Santos. 2012. The syntax of why-stripping. Ms., Northwestern University.
We would like to thank three anonymous reviewers for their constructive comments and suggestions. We would also like to thank Mark Baltin, Matthew Barros, Sandy Chung, Jeroen van Craenenbroeck, Alex Drummond, Tomohiro Fujii, Theresa Gregoire, John Hale, Norbert Hornstein, Chris Kennedy, Dave Kush, Bradley Larson, Howard Lasnik, Jeff Lidz, Jim McCloskey, Jason Merchant, Jeff Runner, Koji Sugisaki, Kensuke Takita, Gary Thoms, Gregory Ward and Ming Xiang, for their valuable comments and suggestions to the earlier version of this work. We are grateful to the audience of GLOW 37 and CLS 49. This work has been supported in part by NSF grant BCS-1323245 awarded to Masaya Yoshida.
About this article
Cite this article
Yoshida, M., Hunter, T. & Frazier, M. Parasitic Gaps licensed by elided syntactic structure. Nat Lang Linguist Theory 33, 1439–1471 (2015). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11049-014-9275-3
- Parasitic Gaps