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Mediation models of implicit theories and achievement goals predict planning and withdrawal after failure

Motivation and Emotion volume 40, pages 878–894 (2016)Cite this article

Abstract

Dweck posits that implicit theories of intelligence provide a meaning system that organizes goal-based patterns of response in achievement situations. Goals of increasing competence or demonstrating competence provide purposes for engaging in achievement tasks and frameworks for interpreting and responding to outcomes. Despite suggestions that within an implicit theory framework, attributions and emotions should mediate associations between goals and post-failure responses, such models have rarely been explicitly tested. We obtained questionnaire data from college students (N = 261) on implicit theories, goals, and attributions, as well as emotions and behavior after a hypothetical failure. Path analysis showed that learning goal and effort attribution mediated the association between incremental theory and post-failure intention to plan remedial action. Theory-consistent indirect effects that predicted intention to withdraw were also identified. Findings provide support for Dweck’s theory and extend our understanding of the roles of goals, attributions, and emotions in explaining responses to achievement setbacks.

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Fig. 1
Fig. 2

Notes

  1. Some researchers (Cury et al. 2006; Tempelaar et al. 2015) assess incremental and entity theories of intelligence on separate unipolar scales, rather than on a bipolar scale that combines incremental and entity theory items, with higher scores reflecting either an incremental or an entity focus. Tempelaar et al. (2015) argued that because scores on entity and incremental scales were not fully aligned (r = − .74 in their study; r = − .78 in ours) and because the scales predicted other constructs with varying levels of strength [e.g., r’s for positive effort attributions were .27 with incremental theory, −.15 with entity theory, and .22 with implicit theory (combined, bipolar scale)], there was sufficient evidence to measure the constructs on separate, unipolar scales. However, note that the correlation between incremental and entity scales was very strong, but correlations between theory and related constructs were weak, and the differential magnitude of correlations between theory and related constructs was not tested statistically. In addition, Hong et al. (1999) argued that because the entity and incremental subscales are highly correlated and it is easier to agree with incremental items, from a measurement standpoint, it makes sense to combine the items to form one (bipolar) scale of implicit theory, with either incremental or entity items reverse-scored. Indeed, as Dweck and Elliott (1983) pointed out, perhaps the most appropriate view of intelligence integrates both entity and incremental theories; that is, the scale should recognize present differences in relative ability with an emphasis on individual growth in ability (see also Nicholls 1984). In this study we use a bipolar scale of implicit theory.

  2. In a more recent exploration of goal types, Elliot et al. (2015) have differentiated past- and potential-focused goals in order to distinguish, with respect to mastery-approach goals, for example, working to do better than one had done in the past from working to fulfill one’s potential. Drawing on this dimension, Dweck’s learning goal most nearly captures potential-focused competence development, whereas the ability goal captures the past-focused demonstration of competence.

  3. This may be because Grant and Dweck (2003) identified as a separate goal a component that is embedded in other goal constructs. That is, Grant and Dweck’s outcome goal may be a component of both mastery and performance-approach goals; this shared component (i.e., focus on outcome), rather than the combination of those two goals, may contribute to high performance.

  4. We estimate that our sample size of N = 261 is adequate to test the proposed model because the variables are all manifest indicators, the model fit statistics indicate good fit between the estimated path model and the data, and our sample size to parameter ratio is between the 5:1 and 10:1 rule of thumb ratios for observations to parameters proposed by Bentler and Chou (1987). In addition, the mediation analyses in Mplus use bias-corrected bootstrap estimates, which is a more powerful method for estimating mediation than other techniques (Fritz and MacKinnon 2007).

  5. Because both emotions—loss of interest/excitement and shame—were correlated with participant gender, we tested the mediation model separately for males and females. As others have reported (e.g., Burnette et al., 2013; Tempelaar et al., 2015), we did not find gender differences.

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Acknowledgments

We are grateful to Claremont Graduate University student Margaret Burkhart for her assistance with data analysis, and to Pomona College students Anna Blanken, Mina Han, Megan Holman, Sue Hyun Kwon, and Christopher Reeves for project assistance. This research was supported with faculty research grants from Pomona College to the first author.

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Authors and Affiliations

  1. Department of Psychology, Pomona College, 647 N. College Way, Claremont, CA, 91711, USA

    Patricia A. Smiley & Samuel Y. Chung

  2. Division of Behavioral and Organizational Sciences, Claremont Graduate University, Claremont, CA, USA

    Katherine V. Buttitta, Valeska X. Dubon & Lillian K. Chang

Authors
  1. Patricia A. Smiley
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  2. Katherine V. Buttitta
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  4. Valeska X. Dubon
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Correspondence to Patricia A. Smiley.

Appendix 1: Questionnaire items

Appendix 1: Questionnaire items

Theory of intelligence (E = entity; I = incremental)

  1. 1.

    You have a certain amount of intelligence, and you can’t really do much to change it (E).

  2. 2.

    Your intelligence is something about you that you can’t change very much (E).

  3. 3.

    No matter who you are, you can significantly change your intelligence level (I).

  4. 4.

    To be honest, you can’t really change how intelligent you are (E).

  5. 5.

    You can always substantially change how intelligent you are (I).

  6. 6.

    You can learn new things, but you can’t really change your basic intelligence (E).

  7. 7.

    No matter how much intelligence you have, you can always change it quite a bit (I).

  8. 8.

    You can change even your basic intelligence level considerably (I).

Learning goal

  1. 1.

    I strive to constantly learn and improve in my classes.

  2. 2.

    In school I am always seeking opportunities to develop new skills.

  3. 3.

    In my classes, I focus on developing my abilities.

  4. 4.

    I want to learn as much as I can from my classes.

  5. 5.

    In school, my aim is to increase my knowledge.

  6. 6.

    In my classes, my main goal is to develop my intelligence.

Ability goal

  1. 1.

    In school I am focused on demonstrating my intellectual ability.

  2. 2.

    It is important to me to confirm my intelligence through my schoolwork.

  3. 3.

    One of my most important goals is to validate my intelligence through my schoolwork.

  4. 4.

    My grades signify to others how smart I am.

  5. 5.

    In my schoolwork, I want to demonstrate that I am smart.

  6. 6.

    How I perform in school shows how intelligent I am.

Effort attribution

  1. 1.

    When I get a good test score, it’s mostly because I put a lot of time into studying for it.

  2. 2.

    When I score poorly on a test, it’s probably because I didn’t study hard enough for it.

  3. 3.

    When I don’t do well on an assignment, I know I could have worked harder.

  4. 4.

    If I put forth the effort I can do well in any class, even if the subject is difficult.

  5. 5.

    I only do poorly in a class if I didn’t spend enough time with the material.

  6. 6.

    I can learn any subject if I try hard enough.

Ability attribution

  1. 1.

    If I get a bad grade on a presentation, it shows that I’m not a very good student.

  2. 2.

    If I am naturally good at a subject, I will do well in the class no matter how little I try.

  3. 3.

    If I get a good grade in a class, it’s mostly because I’m good at that subject.

  4. 4.

    When I score low on a test, it’s probably because I’m not good at the subject.

  5. 5.

    I do poorly on tests because I’m not smart enough.

  6. 6.

    If I’m bad at a subject, I can’t improve no matter how much I try.

Planning

  1. 1.

    I would plan on how to do better on the next presentation.

  2. 2.

    I would spend more time on the next presentation.

  3. 3.

    I would give this class more attention.

  4. 4.

    I would use a different strategy to prepare for the next assignment.

Withdrawal

  1. 1.

    I would focus less time on preparing for class.

  2. 2.

    I would not work as hard in the class.

  3. 3.

    I would devote less time and energy to the class.

  4. 4.

    I would drop the class.

Loss of interest

  1. 1.

    I wouldn’t be excited about the course anymore.

  2. 2.

    I would feel less interested in the subject.

  3. 3.

    I wouldn’t enjoy the class as much as before.

  4. 4.

    I would not like this class as much as before.

Shame

  1. 1.

    I feel bad about myself and want to hide in my room.

  2. 2.

    I feel so bad I can’t even imagine going back to that class.

  3. 3.

    I feel like I can’t face my professor again.

  4. 4.

    I want to put my presentation in a folder and never look at it again.

  5. 5.

    I don’t want anyone to know how poorly I did.

  6. 6.

    I feel terrible that everyone in the class saw the professor pull me aside to talk to me.

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Smiley, P.A., Buttitta, K.V., Chung, S.Y. et al. Mediation models of implicit theories and achievement goals predict planning and withdrawal after failure. Motiv Emot 40, 878–894 (2016). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11031-016-9575-5

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Keywords

  • Achievement motivation
  • Implicit theories
  • Goals
  • Attributions
  • Achievement emotions