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Contested spaces in policy enactment: a Bourdieusian analysis of language policy in Singapore

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Abstract

The basic structure and rhetoric of national language policy in multilingual Singapore has remained essentially unchanged since independence with four official languages positioned within the national quadrilingual framework and used in all public spheres, and individual bilingualism encouraged in the private sphere. However, also since independence, there has been an active undercurrent of inconsistencies, suggesting that the apparent top–down, uncontested language policy is in fact an active contested space, particularly in how these policies are implemented in schools. Specifically, we are interested in language shift, maintenance and medium of instruction policies, their consistencies and discontinuities. To understand the apparent tension between static quadrilingual language policy and planning and the dynamic reality of policy shifts, we adopt Bourdieu’s metaphor of field. In so doing, we take analyses beyond a Fishmanian domain-based framework (Fishman in La Linguist 1(2):67–88, 1965) which frequently informs language policy analysis in Singapore but fails to capture fully the paradoxical shifts and impacts that different fields have on each other with respect to language and the power dynamics involved (Savage and Silva in Cult Sociol 7(2):111–126, 2013. doi:10.1177/1749975512473992). We refer to Chinese and Indian language varieties as our primary examples, showing how a field analysis illuminates the different developments and paradoxes in policies for these languages.

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Notes

  1. Though the ‘national language’, Malay has little status at the national level beyond its ceremonial role (national anthem and military commands). Its symbolic significance has to do with how it signals Singapore’s regional identity, rather than alignment with China, in spite of its predominantly Chinese population. Nationally, its real significance is its position as mother-tongue of the Malay community, on par with the other official mother-tongue languages.

  2. The education system is actually quadrilingual, echoing the national language policy (cf. Silver and Bokhorst-Heng 2016). However, we refer to the ‘bilingual education system’ emphasising that students must study at least two of the official languages.

  3. We find the visualisation to be particularly resonant given Swartz’ explanation of the connection between fields and ‘rules of the game’: ‘Entry into the field requires the tacit acceptance of the rules of the game, meaning that specific forms of struggle are legitimated whereas others are excluded’ (Swartz 1997: 125).

  4. Personal communication, Office of Sports and Recreation, Office of Student Affairs (17 February 2014); See also http://www.nus.edu.sg/osa/fac/sports-facilities/sports-facilities.

  5. See May (2014) for an in depth exploration of this idea with reference to political theory and language policy.

  6. Here and throughout this chapter we adopt the terminology of Singapore’s LPP, ‘dialects’ are all Chinese varieties other than Mandarin whereas ‘non-Tamil Indian Languages’ (NTILs) are five specific varieties associated with the Indian sub-continent.

  7. Previously Ministry of Information and the Arts (MICA).

  8. At the same time Fong (1983) notes that, while most Malays do speak Malay, ‘it is not so, however for the Indians and the Chinese. Here, the term ‘mother tongue’ does not have its normal denotation’ (p. 8).

  9. Today, LPP similarly denies Singlish, a local variety of English that many in Singapore regard as their language of cultural identity, any official recognition (Bokhorst-Heng 2005; Silver 2005; Wee 2010).

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Correspondence to Wendy D. Bokhorst-Heng.

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Bokhorst-Heng, W.D., Silver, R.E. Contested spaces in policy enactment: a Bourdieusian analysis of language policy in Singapore. Lang Policy 16, 333–351 (2017). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10993-016-9410-6

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10993-016-9410-6

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