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Gold Standard Myths: Observations on the Experimental Turn in Quantitative Criminology

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Notes

  1. I focus on experiments as classically understood, in particular the model of the randomized clinical trial in medicine that has motivated the experimental movement in criminology.

  2. A number of programmatic statements promoting experimental criminology are available (e.g., Sherman 2009; Weisburd 2010; Weisburd, Mazerolle and Petrosino 2010). Critiques of Sherman’s argument that experiments advance liberty recently appeared in Criminology and Criminal Justice; see Carr (2010), Hope (2009), Hough (2010) and Tilley (2009).

  3. Deaton (2008). For further debate see the special issue of the Journal of Economic Perspectives where Angrist, of instrumental variable fame, refers to the “credibility revolution” in empirical economics (Angrist and Pischke 2010). A number of critics respond. Educational research has also seen a strong experimental push. For an evaluation, see Raudenbush (2008).

  4. Often called “Rubin causality” after the pioneering work of the statistician Donald Rubin, the counterfactual model has become the dominant conceptual framework for casual inference (Holland 1986). For an excellent book-length treatment, see Morgan and Winship (2007).

  5. In his recent ASC Presidential Address, Clear (2010) provides a strong critique of the experimental paradigm in criminology from a different angle. In this essay, appropriate for the JQC, I take experiments on their own terms and address key methodological limitations and resulting implications for both causal knowledge and policy formation. I take no stance on Clear’s normative position on how the ASC should engage or promote the content of policy.

  6. I thank Gary King for discussion of these points. For a practical guide to addressing common misunderstandings in the analysis of experiments, see Imai et al. (2008)). An influential counterfactual approach to noncompliance is to estimate the “local average treatment effect” (LATE), or the treatment effect on compliers, where treatment assignment is used as an instrumental variable for the treatment actually taken (Angrist et al. 1996).

  7. Technically, SUTVA means that the causal effect estimate in MTO is the difference between the average treatment effect and the “spillover” effect on the untreated (Sobel 2006, p. 1405). Not only are spillover effects are of great substantive interest, policy inferences could be led significantly astray by not distinguishing these two components of the treatment effect.

  8. For a recent argument on the specification of “selection bias” as a social and causal process, see Sampson and Sharkey (2008).

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Acknowledgments

I thank Gary King, Carly Knight, John Laub, Steve Raudenbush, P–O Wikström, and Chris Winship for their feedback.

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Correspondence to Robert J. Sampson.

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Sampson, R.J. Gold Standard Myths: Observations on the Experimental Turn in Quantitative Criminology. J Quant Criminol 26, 489–500 (2010). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10940-010-9117-3

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