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Emergency housing in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina: an assessment of the FEMA travel trailer program

  • Policy and Practice
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Journal of Housing and the Built Environment Aims and scope Submit manuscript

Abstract

Hurricane Katrina devastated the Gulf Coast of the United States in 2005. More than 1800 persons died, and the disaster stands as the costliest in U.S. history. Over 200,000 former residents of New Orleans continue to reside elsewhere. The U.S. Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) emergency housing program, and specifically the design, manufacture, and deployment of its travel trailer housing units, remain the subject of controversy. The FEMA travel trailer program is critiqued, as is recent empirical evidence on the deleterious health outcomes experienced by many trailer occupants. The results of a pilot investigation are reported, whereby the post-occupancy assessments of a group of occupants of single-site FEMA trailer installations were compared to a group residing in two FEMA trailer park communities in New Orleans. Among the findings, the travel trailer unit was assessed by occupants as difficult to personalize to occupants’ preferred patterns of use, inadequate in size, affording few site amenities, and little overall privacy, and the unit itself functioned as a source of chronic environmental stress. The findings are translated into a theoretical/operative model of person-environment interactions, to assist in further research on this subject.

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Notes

  1. In the IMC study, surveys were conducted in parks with more than ten emergency housing units, and a total of 578 households were contacted. The survey instrument consisted of 134 questions, centered on demographics, basic survival needs, domestic and sexual violence, security concerns, and overall health status, i.e. flu-like illness, stomach viruses, common colds, diabetes, hypertension, and heart and kidney disease. Additional questions focused on mental health, morbidity, access to health care, substance abuse, and questions on one’s IDP status and one’s pre- and post-disaster self-perceived social status.

  2. A household was defined as “people sleeping and eating under the same roof or same structure.” The interviewer (this author) interviewed a male or female household member (aged 18 or older), and the session lasted on average 25 min. Each interview session was conducted in the most private setting possible. Interviews were conducted during daylight hours only, and volunteers were solicited for participation in the study. A similar solicitation protocol was employed as in the prior IMC study: the head of household was interviewed, 18 years of age or older, in as private a setting as possible. All responses were strictly confidential and no names of occupants were revealed at any point. Each interview was conducted one on one (by this author), and lasted on average one half hour. The diagrammation procedure lasted another 15–20 min on average.

  3. In January of 2007 a health advisory was issued by the federal Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) to the 44,000 families still residing in FEMA travel trailers 2.5 years after the catastrophe. This advisory declared that the presence of potentially harmful levels of formaldehyde was found to exist in a significant number of units, based upon hundreds of field assessments conducted by CDC staff. Subsequently, the Department of Homeland Security, FEMA’s parent agency, issued a joint policy statement with the federal Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) to relocate all occupants who wished to be relocated to other temporary housing. Thousands opted to relocate to hotels within the immediate disaster strike zone. However, the local housing market could not absorb the many thousands of twice-uprooted trailer occupants. This soon caused an upwardly spiraling ripple effect on rent rates throughout the New Orleans housing market. The unintended consequence of this policy was that it exerted further pressure on an already tight housing market. Second, with hotels and apartments already scarce, persons suffering from health problems due to exposure to trailer-induced toxigens were in some cases being relocated to hotels outside (even many hundreds of miles away from) the disaster strike zone. This only exacerbated the challenges faced by citizens coping with the inherent problems encountered in rebuilding their homes and personal lives. As for the trailers themselves, tens of thousands sat unused, decaying in rural settings in Arkansas and northern Alabama.

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Verderber, S. Emergency housing in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina: an assessment of the FEMA travel trailer program. J Hous and the Built Environ 23, 367–381 (2008). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10901-008-9124-y

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