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Certification Standards for Aquaculture Products: Bringing Together the Values of Producers and Consumers in Globalised Organic Food Markets

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Abstract

From a certifier’s perspective (Naturland e.V.), this paper deals with the question of how to bring together the values of producers and consumers in globalized food markets. It is argued that growth and mainstreaming of organic food production cannot be achieved solely by ethically aware consumers signalling their more sustainable purchase decision to the market. In fact, the intrinsic motivation of producers is an indispensable requisite for such a development. It is then the organic movement’s and the certifier’s (such as Naturland e.V.) task to bring together the values of consumers and producers. This challenge is explored in the following by using the example of organic aquaculture. Based on one of the author’s experience in the field of aquaculture certification since the late 1990s, in about twenty countries and with most aquaculture animal species, the paper examines critical value-based aspects that are prominent from the perspective of sustainability. These are: use of problematic substances in aquaculture production, stocking density, origin of feedstuff, certification procedure, and small-scale farming versus large aquaculture companies. On this basis, the paper describes and analyses attempts to formulate respective organic certification standards. In order to bring about organic aquaculture, it is argued that consumers’ choices alone are not sufficient and that successful transformation to sustainable aquaculture also needs to take into account values and preferences of producers.

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Notes

  1. The preferability of this institutional choice rests on the predominance of a specific understanding of personal freedom and private property rights in the market model (Meisch 2014c). This can conflict with the need to set and implement social rules for the protection of e.g. animals, biodiversity and ecosystems.

  2. For example, Naturland standards have an obligatory Social part that is absent in EU regulation and in many other private organic standards; also for further details of standards discussed in this paper cf. www.naturland.de.

  3. With regard to organic and fair products, consumers in the Global North differ in their willingness to spend more money on (food) products that were produced (and transported) under more sustainable conditions (Horne 2009).

  4. The idea of market incentives might not only be questioned when it comes to attracting producers. Even forms of organic production might theoretically have undesirable effects if, for instance, food producers chose to target global markets at the expense of local markets and thereby create food shortages or environmental destruction. However, it can be the task of certifiers to avoid such effects.

  5. It is also doubtful whether this simplistic description gives an accurate and comprehensive image of possible mechanisms by which values and prices on markets emerge. There are many more actors that play a role in the formation of prices (for an overview cf. Beckert 2011).

  6. In detailed figures, global seafood production in 2012 was 158 million tons, with 91.3 million tons from capture fishery, whereof 136.2 million tons (live weight) serve directly for human consumption, and the remainder is processed to feedstuff (fishmeal and -oil) for agriculture and aquaculture. In 2012, total aquaculture production rose to 66.6 million tons, all directed to human consumption (FAO 2014).

  7. As seafood prices are constantly rising, and former net-exporting countries like China have recently turned to net-importers of aquaculture products, this trend is already a reality. There are various very high-prized aquaculture products (e.g. abalone, a marine snail) that hardly ever touch European markets.

  8. It would be deserving of a comparison between the situation in Japan and other ‘Non-Western’ markets, such as the rapidly emerging BRIC (Brazil, Russia, India, and China). In very general terms, the assumption is that there are differences, e.g. with respect to the appreciation of seafood quality, but a lower emphasis on animal welfare issues.

  9. That does not mean that humans actually do understand these animals better. One might even argue that one cannot know for certain how another human feels. The point here is that humans have the impression that due to phylogenetic relationship, social proximity and cultural narratives they understand the needs of mammals (and even birds) better than those of for instance fish or invertebrates.

  10. Such large producer groups would typically be controlled through so-called ICS (Internal Control Systems, in-house inspection schemes run by the cooperative itself) that are only audited and spot-checked by the external inspection body, thus saving on the honorarium of the external inspectors.

  11. It should go without saying that these characterizations North versus South are over-generalized stereotypes, but they are frequent and not wrong.

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Acknowledgments

We would like to thank two unknown reviewers, Thomas Potthast, Franck Meijboom, Leonie Bossert and Loni Hensler for their comments and feedback.

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Bergleiter, S., Meisch, S. Certification Standards for Aquaculture Products: Bringing Together the Values of Producers and Consumers in Globalised Organic Food Markets. J Agric Environ Ethics 28, 553–569 (2015). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10806-015-9531-5

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