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Past and future of burden sharing in the climate regime: positions and ambition from a top-down to a bottom-up governance system

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Abstract

Historically, burden sharing of mitigation in the climate regime was operationalized as a binary division of the world between the Annex I group of industrialized countries with emission reduction targets and the non-Annex I (developing) countries without them. The 2015 Paris Agreement arguably ended such division by introducing a bottom-up system of self-differentiated emission reduction commitments through countries’ Nationally Determined Contributions. This paradigmatic regime shift creates the opportunity to research to what extent it has been accompanied by a similar change in member states’ negotiation positions and policymaking. I explore whether key developing countries’ discourses regarding burden sharing of mitigation have changed pre- and post-Paris and how this relates to their own mitigation contributions. Has the Paris Agreement led to a new way of thinking regarding burden sharing? Do countries in favour of abolishing the Annex I–non-Annex I divide also propose more ambitious climate policies? I rely on text analysis of written position papers submitted to the negotiations, focusing on members of two coalitions at opposite extremes of developing countries’ positions: the Independent Association of Latin America and the Caribbean, a group of progressive countries arguing for more comprehensive climate agreements; and the Like-Minded Developing Countries, a coalition that aims to uphold the regime’s differentiation between developed and developing countries.

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Notes

  1. Nonetheless, the UNFCCC also contains more qualitative mitigation-related obligations for all parties: Article 4.1b mandates all parties to formulate, implement, publish and update national climate mitigation programmes, while Article 4.1c mandates them to promote and cooperate on technology development, application, diffusion and transfer for climate change mitigation.

  2. The countries that have at least once subscribed to a written submission by LMDC are: Algeria, Argentina, Bahrain, Bolivia, China, Comoros, Democratic Republic of Congo, Cuba, Djibouti, Dominica, Ecuador, Egypt, El Salvador, Ghana, India, Iran, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, Malaysia, Maldives, Mali, Mauritania, Morocco, Nicaragua, Oman, Pakistan, Paraguay, the Philippines (left the group in 2014), Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Somalia, Sri Lanka, Sudan, Syria, Thailand, Tunisia, Venezuela and Yemen (Blaxekjær et al., 2016). The countries written in italics above are those with clearly active roles in the coalition, such as delivering statements on behalf of LMDC.

  3. AILAC’s founding members are Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Guatemala, Panama and Peru. Paraguay and Honduras joined in 2015. Paraguay is the only member to both AILAC and LMDC. Mexico and the Dominican Republic are very close to AILAC and its work, without being actual members.

  4. Before carrying out the analysis, I remove all standard stop words: words used very frequently that carry little meaning, such as articles (“the”, “a”) or prepositions (“in”). I also remove numbers, symbols, URLs and punctuation, and the names of the coalitions and their member countries. As a final pre-processing step, I build key phrases by putting together the forty compounded expressions most frequently found across all texts. The analysis was carried out with the package quanteda in R (Benoit et al. 2018).

  5. https://climateactiontracker.org/about/.

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Acknowledgements

This work was partially carried out while the author was at the Centre for Global Cooperation Research of the University of Duisburg-Essen. Financial support by the Centre and by the Swiss National Science Foundation (Grant No. PMPDP1_171273) is gratefully acknowledged.

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Correspondence to Paula Castro.

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Appendix

Appendix

See Table 3; Figs. 6, 7 and 8.

Table 3 Details of full and mitigation-focused text corpora

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Castro, P. Past and future of burden sharing in the climate regime: positions and ambition from a top-down to a bottom-up governance system. Int Environ Agreements 20, 41–60 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10784-019-09465-4

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