Abstract
This study analyzes the revolution of 1989 in the Baltic State of Latvia and considers its effects on democracy since the reestablishment of independence in 1991. Scholarly and popular accounts tend to depict the 1989 movement as an ethno-nationalist one. While recognizing the importance of ethnicity and cultural nationalism, this article suggests that transnationalism was an equally important force. An analysis of the information bulletin of the Popular Front of Latvia, Awakening [Atmoda] reveals that independence activists deliberately sought to place their movement in a global and transnational framework. The article concludes with a discussion of the fate of this transnational vision after 1991. In the immediate post-independence period, strict citizenship and language legislation indicated a retreat from transnational ideals. However, more recent reforms suggest that this retreat was not permanent and that the discussions of 1989 continue to shape the building of democracy in Latvia. Evidence of the continued existence of transnationalism can be found in government legislation, participation in institutional networks such as the European Union, and individual decisions to apply for citizenship.
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Notes
In a secret clause of this World War II pact, Nazi and Soviet leaders agreed to hand over the Baltic republics to Stalin—a fact that Moscow acknowledged publicly only in December 1989 (Dreifelds 1996, pp. 34–35).
Tusty and Tusty (2007).
It is important to note that despite Rudenshiold’s bold statement cited above, he concludes that the pro-independence movement led by the Popular Front of Latvia succeeded in building a mass following, including Russians, though he recognized this reconciliation could be temporary. Rudenshiold, “Ethnic Dimensions,” pp. 634–36. See also Muižnieks (2006a).
There have been recent exceptions to this peace. In 2007, the removal of a 1947 statue to honor Soviet soldiers in Tallinn, Estonia ended in one fatality and over 100 injured. This clash, which seemed to be drawn along ethnic lines, Estonians vs. Russians, drew international attention. See, for example, BBC News. (April 28, 2007). “Tallinn Tense after Deadly Riots.” Retrieved September14, 2008, from http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/6602171.stm; Steven Lee Meyers (April 27, 2007). “Russia Rebukes Estonia for Removing Soviet Statue,” New York Times. Retrieved September 14, 2008 from http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/27/world/europe/27cnd-estonia.html?em.
The significance of the initiative of the West is found in McMahon’s “central claim”: “without transnational involvement to inform elite preferences, shape domestic policies, and empower elements of civil society, the post-communist experience would have been quite different and possibly more violent” (2006, p. 102).
During World War II, Latvia was first occupied by the Soviet Union (1940–1941); then by Nazi Germany (1941–1945), and the Soviets returned at the end of the war. Latvia regained its independence in 1991. On this period, see Misiunas and Taagepera (1993).
From 1940 to 1954, the Soviet regime deported approximately 140,000 Latvians to Siberia who were considered potential enemies of the new order. Some scholars’ assessments range from 180,000 to 216,000 deportees. See Strods (1995) and Strods (1993). The deportee population was also multiethnic: in 1941, the deportee population was 80.4% Latvian, 12.4% Jewish, 5.3% Russian, 0.3% German, and 1.6% other; in 1949, the deportee population was 95.6% Latvian, 1.8% Russian, 0.01% German, and 2.59% other. See Dimanta and Zālīte (2000).
Their independence was most evident in discussions of the language law in 1999, when the parliament passed a draft of the language law that was not in accord with transnational recommendations. Muižnieks and Brands Kehris (2003), 46.
For the text of the language law in English, see MINELRES, Minority electronic resources. Retrieved September 12, 2008, from http://www.minelres.lv/NationalLegislation/Latvia/Latvia_Language_English.htm.
These include: The National Agency for Latvian Language Training www.lvava.lv; The Secretariat of the Special Assignment Minister for Social Integration www.integracija.gov.lv; State Human Rights Bureau www.vcb.lv.
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I would like to express my thanks to the Transregional Center for Democratic Studies New School for Social Research, for organizing the 2008 symposium, “1989 and Beyond: The Future of Democracy,” especially Elzbieta Matynia for her energy and inspiration, and Julie Fratrik and Pavlina Majorosova. I am indebted to the participants in the symposium for their comments. Thanks also to Toivo Raun for his insightful suggestions and to Janis Chakars for sharing his dissertation, “Media, Revolution, and the Fall of Communism: Latvia, 1986-1991” (Indiana University, 2008).
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Lazda, M. Reconsidering Nationalism: The Baltic Case of Latvia in 1989. Int J Polit Cult Soc 22, 517–536 (2009). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10767-009-9077-5
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10767-009-9077-5