Historically white institutions (HWI) were founded on anti-Blackness principles that are continuously perpetuated both systemically through customs, policies, and curricula as well as individually through interpersonal interactions (Dancy et al., 2018). Continuously experiencing racism, whether blatantly or subtly (e.g., racial microaggressions), within the higher education context can have a harmful influence on African American students’ racial identity as well as their feelings of belonging (Morales, 2021). However, previous research has shown that racial identity can serve as a protective measure, lessening the impact of racism on academic outcomes such as belonging (Seaton & Iida, 2019). A positive or strong sense of racial identity can serve as a buffer to help offset the negative effects of racial discrimination and promote psychological well-being (Willis & Neblett, 2020). As such, African Americans’ experiences with racial microaggressions within the HWI context are complex.

The purpose of this study is to examine the relationship between racial microaggressions, racial identity, and belonging. Using a Critical Race Theory (CRT) lens, we explore the complexity of how African American students at HWIs experience racial microaggressions and their impact on belonging, focusing on the protective role of racial identity. In doing so, we use critical race mixed methodology with an explanatory sequential mixed methods design, where the qualitative findings are used to enhance and further explain the quantitative findings. We end the article by providing implications for methodology, future research, and practice.

This study is significant because it explores the complexity of how African Americans experience racial microaggressions within the HWI context, as well as its relationships with racial identity and belonging. Further, we demonstrate how racial identity can help lessen the harm caused by experiencing racism. Also, this study contributes to the research literature by using critical race mixed methodology, an anti-oppressive research method that allows for the examination of depth and breadth, centering on the racialized experiences of participants.

Critical Race Theory as a Racial Framework

Critical race theory (CRT) was created to critique the legal system and the civil rights movement's limited victories. Specifically, CRT addresses the relationship of race, racism, and power structures in U.S. society and questions the U.S. foundation of liberalism, equality for all, and a fair and just constitutional system (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995; Solórzano & Yosso, 2002). CRT focuses on the law’s enactment of systemic racial inequities. Further, CRT states that racism is normal, or central, to our social order and is integrated within all aspects of society. In this study, using counter-storytelling, we explore the centrality of race and racism while taking an interdisciplinary perspective, key principles of CRT (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995; Solórzano & Yosso, 2002). The centrality of race and racism was chosen because it best illustrates the complexity of the students’ racial microaggression experiences. Similarly, by focusing on the counter-stories of African American students, we can hear in students’ own words regarding how racism in HWIs has been normalized. Last, by taking an interdisciplinary perspective, we can provide a more comprehensive analysis of the students’ experiences.

Through our exploration of African American students’ experiences in HWIs, drawing from the psychology and higher education research literature, we examine the social construction of race and the normalization of racism in structural and institutional systems. Based on this social construction, racism has become a norm that is embedded in daily interactions and culture, whether it be implicit or overt, especially in HWIs (Bell, 1991, 1992). More specifically in this study, we address that although universities provide students with knowledge and skills for individual growth, they also serve as sites of racism, trauma, and inequity when they do not attend to African American students' sense of belonging, or the need to feel seen and valued based on their racial identities. African American students may be subjected to micro-level and macro-level forms of racism which can influence their lived experiences institutionally, interpersonally, culturally, and individually (Lewis et al., 2021; Solórzano & Huber, 2020). Using CRT as a framework provides a useful tool of analysis to explore African American students’ experiences with racism, particularly racial microaggressions at HWIs.

Literature Review

Racial microaggressions are brief and commonplace interpersonal exchanges that convey denigrative and disparaging messages toward minoritized individuals (Sue et al., 2007a, 2007b). Sue et al., (2007a, 2007b) identified three distinct types of racial microaggressions frequently experienced by marginalized populations: (1) microassaults (e.g., racial interactions or symbols that demean a person’s racial heritage); (2) microinsults (e.g., subtle behaviors that convey stereotypical racial beliefs); and (3) microinvalidations (e.g., behaviors that negate or minimize the lived realities of People of Color). These racial microaggressions can be manifested as verbal or nonverbal, layered, and cumulative assaults directed toward people of color, which negatively impact their social identity (Huber & Solórzano, 2015; Solórzano & Huber, 2020). This study explores how racial microaggressions impact two components of social identity: racial identity and sense of belonging among African American college students. In this section, we review existing literature on racial microaggressions regarding African American college students, racial identity, and belonging.

Racial Microaggressions and African American College Students

African American college students frequently experience racial microaggressions within the college context. Research finds African American college students experience racial microaggressions often at a higher frequency than other ethnic groups (Lewis et al., 2021). African American college students report facing a variety of racial microaggressions, including assumptions regarding criminality, intellectual capabilities, and racial biases from fellow students and faculty during interpersonal engagement (Lewis et al., 2021; Ogunyemi et al., 2020). Moreover, Mills (2020) identifies six forms of environmental microaggressions (i.e., systemic perpetration of racial microaggressions) African American students experience on college campuses: (1) segregation, (2) lack of representation, (3) campus response to criminality, (4) cultural bias in courses, (5) tokenism, and (6) pressure to conform. This is a cause for concern, considering the accumulation of interpersonal and systemic racial microaggression has been linked to increased feelings of self-doubt, discouragement, and emotional exhaustion, as well as post-traumatic stress disorder and negative academic outcomes (Ogunyemi et al., 2020).

According to Huber and Solórzano (2015), racial microaggressions are inextricably linked to institutional racism (formal and informal structures that systematically exclude marginalized groups) and macroaggressions (social belief systems and ideologies that help create structures of subordination). They further argue that racial microaggressions can be used as a powerful critical race analysis tool for identifying institutional racism that marginalizes African American college students inside and outside of the classroom. By using a critical race analysis that centers on the lived experiences of African Americans, we can examine how racial microaggressions are related beyond individual experiences but connected to systematic racism. For instance, the denial of both individual and structural forms of racism is a common feature of White racial attitudes (Yi et al., 2023). These encounters of racial microaggressions are often dismissed as innocent acts by the perpetrator with minimal psychological harm to African Americans (Sue et al., 2019). As a result, African American college students may experience racial exclusion, leading to feelings of isolation on HWI campuses (Ogunyemi et al., 2020). Examining the experiences of racial microaggressions provides an opportunity for researchers to see the ways that racism emerges in everyday and commonplace interactions, impacting African American students’ social identity, including their racial identity and sense of belonging.

Racial Microaggressions and Racial Identity

Racial identity is the value and meaning that race plays in an individual’s life (Sellers et al., 1998). Empirical research investigating African Americans’ racial identity suggests that the primary function of racial identity is to protect individuals from the negative impact of experiencing racial discrimination (Yip et al., 2019). Therefore, a strong or positive sense of racial identity can help shield African Americans’ experiences with racial microaggressions and its impact on their sense of self. The Multidimensional Model of Racial Identity (MMRI; Sellers et al., 1998) is a useful framework for examining African Americans’ worldviews and their potential ability to protect against the negative effects of racial oppression. An important component of the MMRI is racial regard, which measures how an individual feels about their race. Racial regard consists of two components—public and private regard. Public regard reflects an individual’s positive or negative perception of how others view the African American community, while private regard addresses an individual’s racial pride in being a part of the African American community (Sellers et al., 1998). Public and private regard are both specifically pertinent since racial microaggressions are perpetuated by negative stereotypes regarding African Americans.

Public regard concerns other racial groups’ perceptions of the African American community. African Americans with high public regard expect positive opinions of the African American community from the broader society and are less likely to think that the broader society will treat African Americans negatively because of their race (Sellers & Shelton, 2003). On the other hand, individuals with low public regard expect negative opinions regarding the African American community from the broader society and are more likely to think that the broader society will treat them negatively because of their race (Sellers & Shelton, 2003). Research finds that racial discrimination is negatively correlated with public regard; as students experience racial discrimination, their perception of being positively viewed by others diminishes (Seaton et al., 2009). When individuals with high public regard experience racism, because of cognitive dissonance, they are more susceptible to negative psychosocial outcomes such as stress and anxiety (Yip et al., 2019). In comparison, African Americans with low public regard may be less impacted when experiencing blatant racism because they expect such scenarios (Hoggard et al., 2017). Low public regard may serve as a protective factor for African American students at HWIs when experiencing racial microaggressions because they recognize society’s negative views of African Americans (Keels et al., 2017).

As previously stated, private regard examines how African Americans feel about being African American (Sellers et al., 1998). High private regard indicates positive feelings about being African American and the African American community; however, low private regard suggests negative feelings about being African American and the African American community. Consistent with previous literature, private regard may serve as a protective factor that buffers African Americans from the effects of experiencing racism. Furthermore, high private regard is considered one aspect of a positive racial identity for African Americans when rejecting racial microaggressions (Keels et al., 2017). Research has indicated that high private regard is associated with positive mental health outcomes, a stronger racial identity, and a positive sense of belonging (Caldwell et al., 2002; Rowley et al., 1998; Yip et al., 2019).

Racial Microaggressions and Belonging

A sense of belonging can be defined as “students’ perceived social support on campus, a feeling or sensation of connectedness, the experience of mattering or feeling cared about…to the campus community or others on campus” (Strayhorn, 2012, p. 3). Perceptions of acceptance, respect, inclusion, and support are critical factors influencing one’s sense of belonging (Hausmann et al., 2007; Hurtado & Carter, 1997; Strayhorn, 2012). Psychologists argue that a sense of belonging is a fundamental human need, crucial for the academic and psychological development of college students (Baumeister & Leary, 1995; Goodenow, 1993). Further, research indicates that students’ sense of belonging predicts persistence, use of campus services, and mental health outcomes among college students (Gopalan & Brady, 2020; Hausmann et al., 2007).

While a sense of belonging plays a critical role in the academic journey and success of college students, it is not experienced equitably among racial groups as minoritized populations report a lower sense of belonging than their peers (Gopalan & Brady, 2020). Johnson (2022) outlines the socio-ecological factors that influence the sense of belonging among racially and ethnically minoritized college students, specifically highlighting the individual-, interpersonal-, and institutional-level processes. Racism, racial discrimination, and racist stereotypes perpetuated at an interpersonal or institutional level have been found to negatively impact the sense of belonging of African American students (Brannon & Lin, 2021; Chang et al., 2011; Hussain & Jones, 2021; Johnson, 2022; Strayhorn, 2008). Research on school belonging indicates that students’ racial experiences are key factors in the way students experience schooling (Juvonen, 2007). For instance, African Americans often experience stigma in academic spaces, which threatens their sense of school belonging, as well as undermines their motivation and achievement (Walton & Cohen, 2007).

Experiences of racial microaggressions negatively impact African American students’ sense of belonging (Lewis et al., 2021). However, the literature suggests that African American students’ sense of belonging can be promoted or deterred by their sense of racial identity (Gray et al., 2018; Hope et al., 2013; MacNear & Hunter, 2023; Smalls et al., 2007). Brannon and Lin (2021) demonstrate that developing a strong sense of belonging for African American students at HWIs requires both increasing experiences that promote their racial pride and decreasing experiences of prejudice, including the experience of racial microaggressions. Recent research by MacNear and Hunter (2023) shows that racial identity and sense of belonging moderate the feelings of race-related stress and anxiety in African American college students. In short, the literature demonstrates that the interplay of racial microaggressions, racial identity, and sense of belonging affects academic and health outcomes for African American students in HWIs. An understanding of these relationships can be furthered by research that uses Critical Race Mixed Methodology, as the present study demonstrates.

Method

Team Positionality

Before we provide details regarding the study, we must disclose who we are as a research team and our positioning as researchers. Positioning involves reflecting upon who and where we are as researchers concerning systems of oppression, fields of study, and the research participants (Boveda & Annamma, 2023). All five researchers on this research team identify as People of Color. The first three researchers are African American, researcher four is Persian, and researcher five is Latina. All the researchers are women except researcher three, and all have backgrounds in education and psychology. We have all experienced racial/ethnic oppression, including racial microaggressions, particularly in schools, and can personally relate to the experiences of our participants. As a team, we reflected upon our collective positioning as we engaged in all aspects of the research process, especially data analysis and the writing of the findings.

Mixed Methods Research

Mixed methods research involves collecting and analyzing quantitative and qualitative data in one study. Additional key features of mixed methods research include the integration of the quantitative and qualitative results, the use of theoretical and philosophical framing, as well as the creation of meta-inferences that result from the integration of the quantitative and qualitative findings (Creswell & Plano Clark, 2023). Specifically, mixed methods research from a critical perspective “involves the collecting and analyzing of both quantitative and qualitative data within one study and, when applicable, is used to address issues of power.” (Schutz et al., 2016, p. 224).

According to Creswell and Plano Clark (2017), there are three major mixed methods design types: convergent (data collected separately then the findings are merged), sequential (the data are collected and analyzed in phases and the findings are merged), and embedded (one method is embedded within another method). For this study, we used a sequential explanatory mixed methods design (Ivankova et al., 2006). In this type of design, the quantitative data are collected first followed by the qualitative data, then the findings are integrated. The qualitative data are used to explain or expand upon the quantitative findings.

Critical Race Mixed Methodology

Critical race mixed methodology (CRMM) is a type of mixed methods research that integrates a CRT framework with a mixed methods design type to examine issues of racial inequity (DeCuir-Gunby & Schutz, 2019; Johnson & Strayhorn, 2023; White et al., 2019). A CRMM approach involves three central elements: there is a focus on race and racism; CRT is used as the central racial framework; and the study examines and challenges racial power structures intending to make change (DeCuir-Gunby, 2020). In engaging in CRMM, CRT is integrated within all stages of the mixed methods research process, from creating the research questions to engaging in data analysis. Specifically, in this study, we combined a critical race framework with an explanatory mixed methods design to explore African American college students’ experiences with racial microaggressions and their impact on their racial identity and belonging (See Fig. 1). This study is an extension of a previous research study (DeCuir-Gunby et al., 2023).

Fig. 1
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Critical Race Explanatory Mixed Methods Design

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Phase 1: Quantitative

Understanding African American college students’ experiences with racial microaggressions is a complicated process. Previous research has found that racial identity serves as a protective factor for experiencing racism (Seaton & Iida, 2019). However, there is limited research investigating the link between racial microaggressions, specifically racial microinvalidation experiences, and African American college students’ sense of belonging with racial identity as a protective factor at HWIs (Lewis et al., 2021; Marks et al., 2023). For the quantitative phase, we specifically explored the following research questions:

  • RQ1. Does public regard moderate the relationship between racial microaggressions (microinvalidations) and a sense of belonging for African American college students?

  • RQ2. Does private regard moderate the relationship between racial microaggressions (microinvalidations) and a sense of belonging for African American college students?

Based on the existing literature, we hypothesized that African American college students with greater experiences of racial microaggressions would report a lower sense of belonging at HWIs. Because research suggests that racial identity serves as a protective factor for experiencing racism (Chavous et al., 2008; Keels et al., 2017; Williams et al., 2023), we posited that racial identity (public regard and private regard) would moderate the association between racial microaggressions and sense of belonging.

To answer our hypotheses, we draw from QuantCrit, which combines CRT and quantitative methodology (Gillborn et al., 2018). Specifically, we use several of QuantCrit’s guiding principles. We focus on the centrality of racism, which addresses the role of race in the research process, particularly the analysis and findings. We also emphasize how numbers are not neutral, which centers on using theory, in this case CRT, to help interpret the research findings.

Quantitative Context/Participants

Prospective participants were solicited to participate in a Qualtrics survey from private and public HWIs throughout the United States using a variety of strategies. We used our personal social media accounts (e.g. Facebook, LinkedIn) to advertise the study as well as contacted Black student groups (e.g. Black fraternities/sororities, Black grad student organizations) through listservs and by email. The research team had more connections to public HWIs and focused their recruitment of student groups within those communities. The participants of the quantitative phase consisted of 97 college students from various HWIs: 75 identified as African American women, and 22 identified as African American men. The sample consisted of 39 graduate or professional students and 58 undergraduate students (9 freshmen, 13 sophomores, 14 juniors, and 22 seniors). Around 94% of the sample were full-time students with 88% attending public universities. Approximately 26% of the sample were members of a Greek organization on campus. See Table 1 for sample demographics.

Table 1 Quantitative Sample Demographics
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Quantitative Data Sources

Participants responded to six instruments including a demographics questionnaire, the Racial and Ethnic Microaggressions Scale (Nadal, 2011), the Multidimensional Inventory of Black Identity (Sellers et al., 1998), and the Basic Needs Satisfaction in General Scale (Deci & Ryan, 2000). These measures were used to gain a better understanding of the participants’ experiences within the HWI context.

Demographics Questionnaire

The demographics questionnaire included various questions regarding personal characteristics such as age, gender, classification, and major. Additional questions addressed activities within the university context such as belonging to Greek organizations.

Racial and Ethnic Microaggressions Scale

The Racial and Ethnic Microaggressions Scale (Nadal, 2011) addresses individuals’ experiences with various types of racial microaggressions in multiple contexts. We used this scale to assess African American college students’ experiences with racial microaggressions. Although we collected data using both the microinsults and the microinvalidations subscales, for this study, we focused on the microinvalidations subscale (5 items; α=.90). In conducting an EFA, a two-factor solution explained 69.5% of the variance.

Multidimensional Inventory of Black Identity

The Multidimensional Inventory of Black Identity (MIBI) explores the multidimensionality of Black identity and uses a 7-point Likert format (Sellers et al., 1998). For this study, we focused on the subscales of private regard (6 items; α=.87) and public regard (6 items; α=.81) to explore African American students’ sense of racial identity within the HWI context. A two-factor solution explained 68.42% of the variance.

Basic Psychological Needs at College Scale

The Basic Psychological Needs at College Scale (Brien et al., 2012; Deci & Ryan, 2000; Deci et al., 2001) (adapted from the Basic Psychological Needs at Work Scale) consists of 3 subscales: autonomy, competence, and relatedness, featuring a 7-point Likert format. The relatedness subscale (5 items; α=.82) was used to examine the African American students’ feelings of belonging at college within the HWI context. A one-factor solution explained 73% of the variance.

Quantitative Data Collection Procedures

We recruited participants using a variety of strategies, including social media, academic listservs, and email. We collected data anonymously via an online survey using Qualtrics. In the survey, participants were asked to reflect on (a) their experiences with racial microaggressions on campus in the last 6 months; (b) ways they have coped with racial discrimination at school; (c) the extent to which they identify as a member of the African American community; and (d) their thoughts and feeling about their college during the past 6 months.

Quantitative Data Analysis Procedures

Power Analysis

A power analysis was conducted using G*Power software (Faul et al., 2009) to determine the necessary sample size for the study. In the present study, 97 participants were determined to be sufficient to detect a significant effect (power > 0.95, alpha < 0.05).

Descriptive Statistical Analysis

A series of descriptive analyses were conducted, including means, standard deviations, and Pearson’s correlations, to examine the data as well as better understand the associations among participants’ demographic factors, experiences with racial microaggressions, sense of racial identity subscales, public and private regard, and sense of belonging (See Table 2).

Table 2 Correlations, means, and standard deviations among study variables
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Hierarchical Regression Analysis

Using the Process procedure in SPSS (Hayes, 2022), hierarchical regression models were employed to examine the association between racial microaggressions, racial identity, and belonging. A bootstrap sample of 5,000 was used in the current investigation to derive more robust estimates of standard errors and confidence intervals. Separate models, with standardized variables, were computed for each racial identity and racial microaggression experience. Classification of the student, racial distribution of the campus, and gender were entered as covariates in the first step of the models. In separate models, predicting sense of belonging, racial microaggression experiences, specifically microinvalidations, and racial identity subscales (public regard and private regard) were included in step 2 of the regression model. To examine whether students’ sense of belonging is a function of their racial identity when experiencing a racial microaggression, the two interaction terms were entered into step 3 of the hierarchical regression model. To avoid potentially problematic high multicollinearity with the interaction term, the variables were standardized and interaction terms between racial microaggressions and racial identity subscales were generated (Aiken & West, 1991). The two-way interaction terms included the racial identity subscales and racial microaggression subscales (i.e., microinvalidation x public regard; microinvalidation x private regard). Simple slopes analysis was used to decompose the significant interaction term and the interaction was graphed and probed at one standard deviation above and below the mean of the moderator (Preacher et al., 2006).

Quantitative Findings

To explore how African American college students’ sense of racial identity influenced the relationship between experiencing racial microaggressions and a sense of belonging on HWI campuses, we predicted that students’ public regard and private regard, separately, would serve as moderators for the relationship between racial microaggressions and students’ sense of belonging. We conducted regression models with an interaction variable to address our goal and requisite research questions.

Public Regard Model

Using the Process hierarchical multiple linear regression model (Hayes, 2022), we tested the prediction that African American college students’ sense of public regard moderated the relationship between microinvalidation experiences and a sense of belonging. In the first step, covariate variables were entered: gender, classification, income, and racial distribution of the campus. In the second step, two variables were included: microinvalidation experiences and African American students’ sense of public regard. These variables accounted for 17% of the variance (R2 = 3%).

The final regression model included microinvalidation experiences, African American students’ sense of public regard, and the main effect of the interaction of public regard by microinvalidation experiences, which accounted for a significant proportion of the variance of students' sense of belonging, ΔF(3,95) = .914, R2 =.029, b = -.02, t(95) = -.22, p >.05. The final model included microinvalidations experiences (β = .08, p >.05), public regard (β = .31, p >.05), and the interaction term (i.e. microinvalidations by public regard) (β = -.02, p >.05), but had no significant main effect. These findings did not support our prediction that the relationship between African American college students’ sense of belonging and microinvalidation experiences was moderated by public regard (See Table 3).

Table 3 Multiple Regression Model Predicting Sense of Belonging as a Function of Public Regard
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Private Regard Model

Using the Process hierarchical multiple linear regression model (Hayes, 2022), we tested the prediction that students’ sense of private regard moderated the relationship between experiencing microinvalidations and a sense of belonging. In the first step, two variables were included: microinvalidation experiences and African American college students’ sense of private regard. These variables accounted for a significant amount of the variance in African American college students’ sense of belonging, R2 =.156, F(2,93) = 8.394, p <.001.

The final model included these variables: microinvalidation experiences, African American college students’ sense of private regard, and the main effect of the interaction of sense of private regard by microinvalidation experiences. The final model (F(3, 90) = 7.41, p < .05) accounted for 45% of the variance in predicting students’ sense of belonging (R2 = 20%). The final significant main effects included private regard (β = -.47, p >.05) and the interaction term (i.e. microinvalidations by private regard) (β = .31, p < .05), but did not include microinvalidations experiences (β = -2.05, p <.05). Examination of the interaction graph showed an enhanced effect that as microinvalidation experiences and students’ sense of private regard increased, students’ sense of belonging increased. Simple slopes analysis revealed that the association between microinvalidation experiences and a sense of belonging was significant at higher levels of private regard (b = 0.33, p < .05) (see Figure 2). This finding supported our hypothesis that the relationship between African American college students’ sense of belonging and racial microaggression experiences was moderated by private regard.

Fig. 2
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Moderation effects of private regard on the association between African American students’ sense of belonging and microinvalidation experiences

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QuantCrit Analysis

Considering racial identity when examining the relationship between racial microaggressions and belonging can extend our understanding of the pervasiveness of racism. As previously stated, racial identity is complex. Examining students’ perceptions regarding how others feel about Black people, how they feel about being Black, and how they view other Black people (all notions of how race and identity impact student outcomes) provides a deeper understanding of how experiences of racial microaggressions impact students. It helps us to better understand how students are navigating experiences of racism within HWIs and how they are personally impacted.

Phase 2: Qualitative

We designed the qualitative component of the study to hear the stories of our participants to demonstrate mixed methods complementarity, using the qualitative findings to elaborate or enhance the quantitative findings (Greene et al., 1989, p. 258). Specifically, we wanted to better understand African American college students’ experiences with racial microaggressions and how these experiences influenced their sense of belonging within their respective HWIs.

  1. 1.

    What are African American students’ experiences with racial microaggressions in the HWI context?

  2. 2.

    How do African American college students’ experiences with racial microaggressions influence their sense of belonging in the HWI context?

Qualitative Context/Participants

We also used a variety of strategies to solicit participation in the qualitative phase. Prospective participants affiliated with Black student groups (e.g. Black fraternities/sororities, Black grad student organizations) were invited to participate via email, listserv, or in person (e.g. attending meetings or organization fairs) based on a convenience sampling strategy. We attempted to recruit students from a variety of backgrounds. The participants consisted of 15 full-time students (11 women and four men). They were enrolled in a variety of programs, including STEM, education, and psychology at both the undergraduate (two seniors) and graduate levels (three master’s students and 10 doctoral students) from HWIs across the United States (see Table 4). All the students had positive racial identities and chose to participate because they wanted to share their stories regarding their racist experiences in their HWIs. Participants in the qualitative phase did not necessarily participate in the quantitative phase.

Table 4 Description of Featured Participants
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Qualitative Data Collection

We conducted semi-structured interviews with follow-up probes to elicit an understanding of the participants' experiences with racial microaggressions on campus. All interviews took place in a neutral location and were audio recorded using two digital recording devices (e.g., phone, iPad). Demographic data was also collected, such as gender, program type, and academic classification level. The interview protocol was developed based on literature regarding racial microaggressions and our stated research questions. Interview questions prompted participants to reflect on (a) their experience as an African American student at their HWI; (b) their experience of racial microaggressions at their HWI; and (c) their desire to remain enrolled at their HWI after experiencing racial microaggressions.

Qualitative Data Analysis

After the interviews were collected, they were transcribed verbatim using a transcription service. Interview transcripts were then reviewed to ensure accuracy. To assist with the analysis, a codebook was created using theoretical and literature-based concepts regarding our theoretical framework (CRT), racial microaggressions, racial identity, and belonging, among other concepts (DeCuir-Gunby, et al., 2011). Attention was given to understanding the historical context of African American students in HWIs, especially at the graduate level, interrogating power dynamics at HWIs, such as institutional practices and norms, and centering the voices of the students by calling out disparities and inequity at HWIs. Primary and secondary codes were created within the codebook, along with definitions and raw data examples from the narratives that each participant provided. The final codebook consisted of eight primary codes and 36 secondary codes. Using CRT as a lens, these sample codes were created: campus racism, types of racial microaggressions, student involvement, racial identity development, campus belonging, and coping mechanisms. After we created the codebook, we then used Dedoose 7.6.21 to code the transcripts. We analyzed the interviews using open coding to identify categories and axial coding to make connections between categories (Charmaz & Belgrave, 2019; Corbin & Strauss, 2014). The codes that appeared most frequently were the types of racial microaggressions, coping strategies used, and campus racism experiences. Then using a CRT lens, as previously described, we created larger themes by making connections to the research literature.

Several processes address credibility and trustworthiness (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015). To maintain credibility, codes and themes were derived from peer review articles within the field. Three coders worked to maintain an inter-rater reliability of 85% or higher. Also, thick rich descriptions were presented in our findings. Regarding trustworthiness, member checking was conducted with participants after data collection to ensure that the findings within the paper were consistent. Participants were also given information regarding the usage of the data and study.

Qualitative Findings

The consistent presence of racism was central to the participants’ experiences and influenced their interactions with faculty, staff, administrators, and students, as well as the curriculum. The participants discussed how racism influenced their interactions and beliefs about how they felt about their universities. It was common for students to discuss how they had negative interactions with faculty, administrators, and fellow students. The participants often experienced racial microaggressions regarding deficit beliefs regarding the intellectual ability of African American people. Although these interactions angered the students, they persevered because of their positive sense of racial identity, which helped them create a sense of belonging.

Theme 1: Pathologizing Blackness on Campus

The students voiced that it was common for professors to have negative perceptions regarding the intellectual abilities of African American students. Katherine, a senior majoring in engineering, described how her advisors had low expectations regarding her ability to be successful in her engineering program and how she often experienced racial microaggressions:

I'll say when I was going to apply to my specific engineering discipline, I was in a meeting with two other advisors. They were also white females. They told me, like without hesitation after I told them I wanted to apply to biomedical engineering, they're like, ‘You're not going to get in.’ They're like, ‘Choose something else.’ This is at the time I also had a 3.5 GPA. My GPA was fine. I had worked really hard to be a competitive applicant, and they just like, ‘No. Your GPA's not high enough. It needs to be like a 4.0 or something like that,’ they said, which I later found out was completely false. Then when I chose another major, they're like ‘Yeah, this'll be much better for you, because people complain that ME's [mechanical engineering] really hard.’ So I was definitely, in my opinion, discriminated against in that instance.

Several STEM majors discussed how professors and administrators had low expectations regarding African Americans pursuing STEM degrees. Disbelief regarding African American success in STEM degree pursuit was an experience that many students grappled with and navigated. Additionally, many graduate students shared that their larger graduate schools were aware that faculty often struggled to support African American students who were pursuing these degrees in the areas of advisement, support, and mentorship. The students often shared with leadership their needs in trying to survive and strive at their HWIs.

Although participants frequently experienced racial microaggressions from professors, they often experienced racial microaggressions from their classmates. Jamie, a master’s level elementary education major, described how her white classmates often made negative statements regarding African Americans:

Cause we're a cohort. So I'm taking the same classes with the same girls, and they're all girls, the same girls, and we were in a math class. And people kept using that phrase, ‘Those kids,’ but they be talking about Black kids. And one time, the teacher, Dr. F was like, ‘What do you mean those kids?’ And the girl was like, ‘You know, the Black ones,’ and then she got kicked out of class.

Referring to Black kids as “those kids” and not appropriately supporting Black students further perpetuates stereotypes regarding intellectual inferiority. Although the problematic student was removed from the course, she was not the only student espousing negative beliefs about Black students. Jamie shared that many of her white, pre-service teacher classmates shared deficit orientations about African American students and they were not always addressed amongst faculty members. This further perpetuated racial microaggressions regarding Black students as well as forced students such as Jamie to cope with such experiences in real time.

Another graduate student, Candice, a school administration major, mentioned how administrators dismissed the concerns she voiced via email regarding the achievement of minoritized students. The needs of students of color failed to be a priority. She explained:

I drafted an email and thought very carefully about it and emailed the dean of Education and about four other people who are stakeholders within my department. I only received one response from all five of these people. I talked about why I think it's personally important to me, but important to all my classmates, important to the world. The achievement gap is real. Black and brown students are underperforming white students and that trend has not changed and if we are going to be school leaders, we need to be adequately educated. I emailed them my concern and the response I got was, ‘Oh, we're working on it for next year,’ or ‘these are the things that we're going to do’. ‘It's not going to be a class, but we are working on a grant to possibly have a three-day session for something.’ It's extremely disheartening and seemingly disrespectful to be somewhat shooed away in something that I think is critical and essential to the success of myself and my classmates in the future.

As shown in Candice’s experience, school leaders at various levels often ascribed to deficit notions regarding African American achievement. Expectations of lower proficiency are expected and thus normalized within all levels of the university. This helps to systemically perpetuate racial bias that undermines the intellectual value of the African American community.

Theme 2: Using Racial Identity to Build Community

Despite experiencing a variety of racial microaggressions, the students were adamant about continuing to matriculate at their respective universities. They used their positive Black identities to help create a sense of belonging within their HWIs. In doing so, the participants used a variety of strategies to create a sense of racialized belonging.

Associating with affinity groups is a common way to create a sense of belonging. Many of the students discussed being a member of Black campus organizations. Candice spoke about connecting with other African American graduate students on campus:

Luckily, being blessed with being in BGSA [Black Grad Student Association], because that has provided me with support to make it through. These people are experiencing the same thing I'm experiencing. My family is a support system, but they don't understand. They don't have advanced degrees and they all went to HBCUs. They don't understand what that looks like in school, that otherness looks like in graduate school. Also...continuing to be vocal about my stance has made my classmates be forced to listen to me because I'm not going to stop talking about it. I think that has opened up our relationship.

While the students had strong affinity groups and networks to support them at their institutions, it was their strong racial identities that allowed them to recognize and cope with racial microaggressions. Their racial identities helped positively influence their social interactions and overall experiences. More specifically, their racial identities, stemming from their cultural connections to their families and other sources of Blackness, helped affirm their belonging, thus serving as a protective factor in the HWI community.

Similarly, Erica, a doctoral student in mathematics education, mentioned that she found community with her African American peers on campus:

I talk amongst my peers that look like me, and, really, that's about it. I kind of just vent to family members who, of course, also look like me, friends and classmates who look like me. We just talk amongst each other.

Also, Wade found support from African American staff members and faculty on campus. He often would express how he felt about his experiences with sympathetic African American staff and faculty:

I didn't realize pro-staff or faculty and staff here experience it [racial microaggressions], but, yeah. So, me and her [staff], we talk a lot, and that's kind of like what helps keep me going through the day. Out of our office, there's three of us who are African American, we just talk. One undergraduate then there's me, masters, and then, of course, it's her for pro-staff or faculty staff.

Other Black students shared that they would not allow racial microaggressions to silence them, thus being assertive and advocating for their needs. Each of these examples, as well as the students’ emotional responses to seeking support when navigating racial microaggressions, show their strong racial identity, self-respect, and value for Blackness as they addressed systemic racism at HWIs.

Integrating the Quantitative and Qualitative Findings

The primary scope of this research project was to better understand African American college students’ experiences with racial microaggressions within the HWI context. We wanted to explore how African American students’ experiences with racism influenced their racial identity and sense of belonging. Specifically, for the quantitative component, we were interested in whether the dimension of students’ racial identity, focusing on racial regard (public or private), would serve as a moderator between racial microaggressions (racial microinvalidations) and belonging. We used the qualitative findings to expand and clarify the quantitative results.

Our findings did not support the hypothesis that lower public regard serves as a protective factor for African American college students’ sense of belonging when experiencing racial microinvalidations. This finding is significant because previous research found that public regard serves as a protective factor when facing racism (Chavous et al., 2008; Sellers et al., 2006). Due to previous research suggesting that racial microinvalidations are statements negating cultural experiences (Sue et al., 2007a, 2007b) and daily occurrences of racially charged statements and situations (Neblett et al., 2004), African Americans may adopt lower public regard to protect themselves from such racial attacks, particularly in HWIs. Our findings suggest an increased need for more exploration into the influence of public regard on modern forms of racial discrimination, such as racial microaggressions. However, the findings supported our other hypothesis that higher private regard serves as a protective factor for African American college students’ sense of belonging when experiencing racial microinvalidations. This finding is consistent with previous research (Smith et al., 2007) as well as extends previous literature by suggesting that private regard can serve as a buffer from the negative effects of experiencing racial microaggressions and racism within HWIs (Lewis et al., 2021; Marks et al., 2023).

The qualitative findings provided a nuanced expansion of the quantitative findings. They demonstrated that experiencing racial microaggressions made African American college students feel isolated and unsupported on their respective HWIs. When discussing their campus/program and the racism within it, students explained how classmates and faculty perpetuated racism and how they felt about these experiences. All these encounters and experiences influenced students’ belonging, including how they felt about their respective academic programs and whether their needs were being met. These findings are consistent with previous research on racial microaggressions within HWI contexts (Lewis et al., 2021; Mills, 2020; Ogunyemi et al., 2020). However, because the students had strong Black racial identities, they were able to withstand the anti-Black rhetoric on campus and create a community with similar others. This finding helps extend the limited research on racial microaggressions and racial identity within the HWI context (e.g., Morales, 2021).

Together, the quantitative and qualitative data, informed by the psychology and higher education literature, demonstrate the complexity of African American students’ experiences with racial microaggressions on HWIs. The participants experienced a variety of racial microaggressions, helping demonstrate the centrality of race and racism within HWIs (Bell, 1992). Institutional racist practices were reflective of the larger macroaggressions regarding how African Americans do not belong or how the needs of African American students are not a priority within HWIs (Dancy et al., 2018; Huber & Solórzano, 2015; Solórzano & Huber, 2020). Also, experiencing racial microaggressions impacted how African American students felt about themselves (racial identity) as well as their sense of belonging. However, the students’ racial identities served as buffers or protective mechanisms, helping shield the harm from the negative effects of racism. Because the students had strong racial identities, they could create a racialized sense of belonging on campus, despite receiving so many negative messages.

Discussion and Implications

There has been substantial research examining racism within HWIs, particularly African Americans’ experience of racial microaggressions (Ogunyemi et al., 2020). In addition, the higher education research literature is replete with racial microaggressions research conducted from a CRT lens (McCoy & Rodricks, 2015). However, there is limited research that examines racial microaggressions from a mixed methods perspective, particularly using CRMM (Lewis et al., 2021). CRMM provides higher education researchers a mechanism to focus on addressing issues of power, as well as understanding the intersectional identities of marginalized people by using various sources of data. We can examine complex social phenomena to discover relevant trends that will allow us to challenge dominant narratives that perpetuate inequity while promoting critique and alternative perspectives (DeCuir-Gunby & Schutz, 2019; Johnson & Strayhorn, 2023; White et al., 2019). As such, our study helps to fill this research need. From this perspective, we offer several methodological, research, and practice implications.

Methodology

As demonstrated in this article, we used CRMM, an approach combining CRT and mixed methods. This study is novel in two distinct ways. CRT research often uses a qualitative approach. Although there has been a movement to use CRT from a quantitative perspective (e.g., QuantCrit), the use of CRT in mixed methods is limited. We suggest more work is needed combining CRT and mixed methods approaches. In doing so, significant time must be taken to determine how to best integrate the CRT framework with the mixed methods design. Also, since culture is not incorporated into most mixed methods design typologies (DeCuir-Gunby & Shannon-Baker, 2023), studying racism and race-related constructs is challenging. Mixed methods research typologies need to be expanded to include racial methodologies. CRMM helps to fill this methodological need and is particularly useful in examining issues within higher education (Johnson & Strayhorn, 2023).

Future Research

Through using a CRT lens, particularly taking an interdisciplinary perspective, we were able to disentangle African American students’ complex racial experiences within their HWIs. Our findings provided some interesting insights, leading to new questions. There needs to be more research to better understand the experiences of African American students within HWIs, specifically the relationships between racial microaggressions, racial identity, and belonging. What role does racial identity play in the experience of racial microaggressions? How does racial identity influence the sense of belonging at HWIs? How can CRMM be used to understand African American students’ intersecting identities at HWIs?

Practice

Because students in this study articulated that they do not always feel as though they belong at their HWIs, these suggestions can help make HWIs more welcoming for African American students. African American students need to have groups, affinity spaces, and comprehensive services such as Black male initiatives, sista circles, and counseling services to support their needs (Morton, 2022; Turner-Hoskin et al., 2022). Within these groups and services, there should also be opportunities to connect with African American alumni or current African American faculty and staff who are willing to serve as sources of support. Support networks have been shown to increase retention and belonging amongst African American students, especially when they can connect with those who share their racial identity and can relate to their personal experiences (Morton, 2022; Turner-Hoskin et al., 2022). However, to maintain growth and meet students’ changing needs, data monitoring and assessments should be implemented to help evaluate the ability of these programs and services to help address racial trauma, stress, and bias. Implementing these resources not only acknowledges the reality of the lived experiences of African American students, but it also helps attend to and disrupt the normalization of racism.

Conclusion

The present study used CRMM to investigate how racial microaggressions impact African American college students' racial identity and sense of belonging in HWIs. The results highlight the impact racial microaggressions have on African American college students’ racial identity and sense of belonging. Notably, this study reveals the role students’ racial identities play in buffering the negative impact of the anti-Black rhetoric perpetuated by both faculty and classmates at HWIs. HWIs must provide a safe and inclusive environment for African American students as well as address barriers to equity.