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Social capital and the problem of opportunistic leadership: the example of Koreans in Japan

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01 December 2021 Editor's Note: the concerns that were raised with this article have been investigated, post-publication peer review was undertaken, and an author correction has been published https://doi.org/10.1007/s10657-021-09718-1 .

A Correction to this article was published on 01 December 2021

This article has been updated

Abstract

Through webs of cross-cutting ties, groups can build "social capital"—the information and informal collective punishment by which to mitigate collective action problems and enforce on each other norms of appropriate behavior. Yet not all minorities maintain such networks. And minority groups without these cross-cutting ties sometimes find themselves hijacked by opportunistic entrepreneurs who capture private benefits for themselves while generating statistical discrimination against the group as a whole. The problem becomes acute when migration from the minority to the majority group is possible (at a cost). Inevitably, the most talented members of the minority will find the migration easiest and most rewarding. Necessarily, the resulting selective out-migration will reduce the average ability of the minority members who remain and leave the group even more vulnerable to the opportunists. Consider the Korean residents of Japan. Koreans had begun to migrate to Japan in the 1910s. They were poor, single, male, young, uneducated, and did not intend to stay long. As one might expect given those demographics, they maintained low levels of social capital, and generated substantial (statistical) discrimination toward themselves. After the Second World War, most Koreans returned to their homeland. Among those who stayed, the low levels of social capital remained. Plagued by collective action problems, the group could not prevent the communists among them from taking control and manipulating the group toward their private ends. Lacking the dense networks that would let them constrain the opportunists, the resident Koreans could not stop them. Those with the most talent, sophistication, and education simply left the group and migrated into Japanese society.

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Change history

  • 23 February 2021

    Editor's Note: Readers are alerted that concerns have been raised with this article that are being considered by the editors. These concerns are being investigated and further appropriate editorial action will be taken as required, once the investigation into the concerns is complete and all parties have been given an opportunity to respond in full.

  • 01 December 2021

    Editor's Note: the concerns that were raised with this article have been investigated, post-publication peer review was undertaken, and an author correction has been published https://doi.org/10.1007/s10657-021-09718-1.

  • 01 December 2021

    A Correction to this paper has been published: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10657-021-09718-1

Notes

  1. Kanmei and Toshiyuki (2000, 28), Lee (1986), and Cumings (1984).

  2. Although Koreans were Japanese citizens before the war, the Japanese government did not draft Korean men into the military. It did not start recruiting Koreans to work in Japan until 1939. This was a restrictive recruiting effort—and a substantial minority of Koreans who applied for the jobs were not hired. The government did not formally draft Koreans to work in Japanese factories and mines until the fall of 1944—when it did so as part of a general program of mobilizing all Japanese citizens, whether on the Korean peninsula or on the Japanese mainland.

  3. Naimu sho (1939, 892); see also Naimu sho (1938, 933).

  4. Miki (1933, 54, 211, 214–215), Naimu sho (1938, 931), and Chosen (1933, 203).

  5. Naimu sho (1938, 1025) and Miki (1933, 57, 215).

  6. Naikaku fu, Saigai (2005), Yoshida (2016, 205), and Tsuchida (2017, 61).

  7. Yoshida (2016, 230–232); for details of the rumors, see, e.g., Naikaku fu (2005).

  8. Western scholars generally discount the reports of Korean violence, but take the newspaper accounts of retaliatory Japanese violence nearly at face value. Bates (2006, 17), Lee (2008, 206), Abe (1983), Ishiguro (1998, 332), and Silverberg (2005) each suggest Japanese bands killed 6000–7000 Koreans. In one article, anthropologist Sonia Ryang claims that the Japanese patrols may have killed 10,000 (2003: 746 n.2; also Neff 2016). Elsewhere, she suggests 20,000 (Ryang 2007).

  9. Shiho sho (1923, 9–363 to -64, 9–374).

  10. Keiho (1923, 6–187, 6–188).

  11. Chosen sotoku (1923b), Rikugun (1923), Shinkasai (1923), Koyagi (1923), and Naimu sho (1923).

  12. Kaigun (1923, 3–38, 3–41, 3–45 to 3–48, 3–57), Chosen sotoku kanbo (1923a, b, 1924).

  13. Sankei (2017, 109), Sasazaki (1955, 38–39), and Ri (1980, 182).

  14. Hyon (2016, 67), Choe (2019), and Ghosts (2000).

  15. Sasazaki (1955, 50, 58), Ri (1980, 3), Ko (2014, 21), and Sankei (2017, 11).

  16. Sasazaki (1955, 4–9, 49, 102), Ri (1980, 16–21), and Bando (2016, 47).

  17. Sasazaki (1955, 103), Bando (2016, 47), Suganuma (2015, 15, 24), and Abe (2019, 35).

  18. Bando (2016, 87), Kim et al. (1995, 22).

  19. Homu sho (1960); see Kaneda (2018, 42) and Bando (2016, 137).

  20. Yomei (2016, 108–109); see Bando (2016), and Higuchi (2002, 185–186).

  21. Zai Nihon (2018), Kim et al. (1995, 22), Ko (2014, 169–170), and Sankei (2017, 114).

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Acknowledgements

Mitsubishi Professor of Japanese Legal Studies, Harvard University. I gratefully acknowledge the helpful comments and suggestions of Jason Morgan, Eric Rasmusen, Sun-Joo Shin, Daniel Smith, Henry Smith, and the editors and referees of this journal.

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Ramseyer, J.M. Social capital and the problem of opportunistic leadership: the example of Koreans in Japan. Eur J Law Econ 52, 1–32 (2021). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10657-020-09682-2

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