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Building an Intersectional and Trans-Inclusive Criminology: Responding to the Emergence of “Gender Critical” Perspectives in Feminist Criminology

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Abstract

This article responds to claims advanced by “gender critical” feminists, most recently expressed in a criminological context by Burt (2020) in Feminist Criminology, that the Equality Act—a bill pending in the United States Congress—would place cisgender women at risk of male violence in sex-segregated spaces. We provide legal history, empirical research, and conceptual and theoretical arguments to highlight three broad errors made by Burt and other trans-exclusionary feminists. These include: (1) a misinterpretation of the Equality Act; (2) a narrow version of feminism that embraces a socially and biologically deterministic view of sex and gender; and (3) ignorance and dismissal of established criminological knowledge regarding victimization, offending patterns, and effective measures to enhance safety. The implications of “gender critical” arguments for criminology, and the publication of such, are also discussed.

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Notes

  1. We reject the assertion made by “gender critical feminists” that “TERF”—an acronym for “trans-exclusionary radical feminist”—is a slur. Therefore, throughout this article, we follow the lead of McCann (2020) and refer to this brand of “feminism” as “trans-exclusionary feminism” and those who subscribe to it as “trans-exclusionary feminists.”

  2. The plus sign ( +) in LGBTQ+ refers to intersex, questioning, asexual, and other persons who do not fall within traditional norms of being both cisgender and heterosexual.

  3. We note that just days after the publication of Burt’s (2020) article, the Supreme Court of the United States, in Bostock v. Clayton County, Georgia, 590 U.S. ___, 140 S. Ct. 1731, 1754 (2020), held that an “employer who fires an individual merely for being gay or transgender” violates the Civil Rights Act of 1964. In its majority opinion, written by Associate Justice Neil Gorsuch, the Court refutes many of Burt’s flawed legal analyses.

  4. Equality Act §§ 3–8 (2019), amending the Civil Rights Act of 1964 to prohibit discrimination or segregation, including in public accommodations, education, federal funding, and employment; Equality Act §10 (2019), amending the Fair Housing Act to prohibit discrimination in housing; Equality Act §11 (2019), amending the Equal Credit Opportunity Act to prohibit discrimination in banking; Equality Act §12 (2019), amending the Jury Selection and Services Act to prohibit discrimination in jury selection.

  5. The Schroer case is groundbreaking for its protections of transgender people under Title VII, but we note that the US District Court for the District of Columbia found it unnecessary to rule on the “extensive medical testimony on the components of sex” (Levasseur 2015: 980). Two decades ago, however, an Australian court (In re Kevin [2001] Fam CA 1074 (Austl.)) recognized that not only is gender identity biological, but it also serves as primary determinant of sex (see Levasseur 2015). For a broad analysis of the ways medical science informs many areas of law in the US with regard to transgender people, see Schroth and colleagues (2018).

  6. See Cosponsors: H.R. 5-Equality Act 116th Congress (2019–2020). Retrieved on August 2, 2021, from https://www.congress.gov/bill/116th-congress/house-bill/5/cosponsors.

  7. The Human Rights Campaign (2020b) reports that nearly 550 organizations endorse the Equality Act, including, but not limited to, the following women’s and feminist groups: the National Organization for Women (NOW); 9to5: The National Association of Working Women; The Coalition of Labor Union Women; Feminist Majority; Girls, Inc.; Jewish Women International; In Our Own Voice: National Black Women’s Reproductive Justice Agenda; NARAL, MANA: A National Latina Organization; MomsRising; National Alliance to End Sexual Violence; National Asian Pacific American Women's Forum (NAPAWF); National Association for Female Executives; National Women's Health Network; National Women's Law Center; Planned Parenthood; Positive Women’s Network-USA; and American Association of University Women.

  8. Some commentators advocate this approach given the history of discrimination against LGBTQ+ people (see, e.g., Elkind 2007). Others, however, ask if “is it enough to simply add gender identity as a suspect class?,” noting that courts have not always interpreted such laws in ways that maximize the rights of transgender people (Hart 2020: 335).

  9. It is important to note that prior to the women’s movement (and during a period when gender was conceptualized as binary), the study of crime and delinquency was historically focused on offending by men, and male criminologists justified this by stating that women were “irrelevant” to study given that most crime was committed by men (Mallicoat 2019).

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Authors and Affiliations

  1. Department of Criminal Justice & Social Work, University of Houston-Downtown, 1 Main Street, Suite C.340M, Houston, TX, 77002, USA

    Jace Valcore

  2. Arizona State University, Tempe, AZ, USA

    Henry F. Fradella

  3. Framingham State University, Framingham, MA, USA

    Xavier Guadalupe-Diaz

  4. Queensland University of Technology, Brisbane, QLD, Australia

    Matthew J. Ball

  5. University of Tasmania, Hobart, TAS, Australia

    Angela Dwyer

  6. Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI, USA

    Christina DeJong

  7. Old Dominion University, Norfolk, VA, USA

    Allyn Walker

  8. Pacific University, Forest Grove, OR, USA

    Aimee Wodda

  9. University of Oklahoma, Norman, OK, USA

    Meredith G. F. Worthen

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Valcore, J., Fradella, H.F., Guadalupe-Diaz, X. et al. Building an Intersectional and Trans-Inclusive Criminology: Responding to the Emergence of “Gender Critical” Perspectives in Feminist Criminology. Crit Crim 29, 687–706 (2021). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10612-021-09590-0

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