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Corporate crime and state legitimacy: the 2008 Chinese melamine milk scandal

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Notes

  1. “The Gini coefficient, which measures income distribution on a scale of zero to one, indicates a relatively reasonable income gap if the number is between 0.3 and 0.4. A Gini index between 0.4 and 0.5, however, signals a large income gap” [110].

  2. Official crime statistics should be subject to extreme scrutiny due to incentives from the central government to both increase murder clearance rates and lower overall crime rates. In 2004, a campaign pushed for an 85 % clearance rate for murder cases and “by 2005 more than two-fifths of China’s counties were claiming 100 % success rates in solving new murders” [91].

  3. Goetz [47] argued that the choice of the Hyde Fire Department to investigate low socio-economic status (SES) offenders while simultaneously ignoring high SES offenders was the result of “the power of organizational interests shaping the definition, enforcement, and administration of laws” ([77], p. 17). Not only did this class bias include offenders, but also victims as the repeated victimization of low SES workers and consumers helped “reproduce inequities” between the two groups [47].

  4. The State Council is the chief administrative authority in China. It was chaired by Premier Wen Jiabao during the melamine scandal and includes the heads of each governmental department and agency. During the milk crisis, this meant increased involvement from the Ministries of Agriculture, Commerce, and Justice.

  5. The term “free press” is used here in a relative sense. While the press in the U.S. and other western nations are not strictly censored, as they are in China, media conglomerates, mergers, and a concentration of ownership has reduced the “voice” of the public in recent decades [79].

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Ghazi-Tehrani, A.K., Pontell, H.N. Corporate crime and state legitimacy: the 2008 Chinese melamine milk scandal. Crime Law Soc Change 63, 247–267 (2015). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10611-015-9567-5

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