Moral Guidance Without Foundations
Though Moore denounced all ‘naturalist’ moral systems, there were numerous early approaches in evolutionary ethics that did not commit the naturalistic fallacy (e.g., by T.H. Huxley and G.G. Simpson). Also from the last decades of the twentieth century onwards, several accounts proliferate in defence of a closer and argumentatively sound interplay between science and normative ethics (e.g., Binmore 2005; Ruse 2008). What typifies these approaches is the argument that science is relevant for ethics, without their being an attempt to start from a first moral principle. Neither is there the attempt to derive such a principle.
Proposals in which scientific findings are claimed to play an important role for normativity vary from being uncontroversial and allegedly ‘trivial’ to supposedly reductionist accounts. Most authors stress the philosophical question of how moral and empirical concepts are connected (or unconnected); rarely do they make their proposals concrete, e.g., by exemplifying how science informs ethics in everyday issues. A refreshing exception, though in the field of ethics broadly conceived, can be found in Pigliucci (2003).
Our aim here is to discuss how scientific findings have an impact on normative ethics and ethical practice, even if they do not yield demonstratively true ethical principles. Scientific ethics’ deviates indeed from Moore’s ‘Ethics’, in being preoccupied less with absolute truth and more with practice. This aligns with current conceptions on ethics as an orienting tool to reflect on individual and societal practices (e.g., Kurtz and Koepsell 2007). In the third section, we look closer at the philosophical assumptions underpinning this view of ethics. For now, it suffices to point out that scientific information is conditionally relevant for ethics. That is, if we accept certain moral principles, then everything known can be used to infer rules that help us to reach these moral ends. In this scenario, scientific knowledge is instrumental to ethics (Rosenberg 2000), or science can help us to infer hypothetical imperatives only (Binmore 2005). This is not controversial, and both foundational and nonfoundational systems can accept this procedure. Hence science is important for ethics in general. However, scientific ethics relies merely on this conditional procedure, while foundational ethics further relies on the inference of first moral norms. Here we demonstrate that its conditional procedure does not commit the naturalistic fallacy: first we illustrate how science informs ethics; then we explicate the line of reasoning.
A clarifying example is provided by the Kibbutzim in Israel, modern communities that are unique in their organization of production, ownership, consumption and child care (Agassi 1989). From the start these communities aimed to create a society where all would be equal and free from exploitation. Property was common. Every member received an equal wage depending on his or her needs. Men and women were expected to participate equally in all kinds of work: household chores, childcare, politics, farming and so on. Trained nurses and teachers raised children away from their parents. It was hoped that this would liberate women from their traditional mother roles. However, after one generation already this organizational structure weakened. Women were found to be more active in teaching and child care, while men participated more in politics and field work. Men also took up the majority of leading and managing positions. Because of these ‘role patterns’, men had easier access to some assets such as a car, an office and an apartment in town.
Some commentaries (e.g., Agassi 1988) remained convinced that these gender differences could and should be eradicated. To do so, it would be helpful—or even necessary—to identify the precise factors causing the gender differences. Other commentaries (e.g., Palgi et al. 1983) saw in the unique constellation of the Israeli Kibbutzim a test case for social theories explaining gender inequality as a consequence of the unequal social organization of production, ownership and so on. Since gender differences were not eradicated in the Kibbutzim, where social organization started out equal for men and women, these theories are not supported. Maybe then one can consider biology as a factor accounting for at least some gender differences?
Let us zoom in on explanations of childcare asymmetries (yet without claiming these explanations to apply to other aspects of role patterns—indeed, therefore more scientific information would be needed).
Concerning child care asymmetries, in all cultures mothers spend more time with their children than fathers do (Lamb 2003; Owen Blakemore et al. 2008). This can be modified partly by the social environment. For example, pregnant women who had more prior childcare experience (for example due to baby-sitting) feel more positive about caretaking, children and their own fetus (Fleming et al. 1997); and women may be asked to baby-sit more than men. But biology also plays a role in ‘moulding’ mothers into this role. Pregnancy hormones seem to influence nurturing behaviour: a pregnant woman’s body experiences a change in the estrogen/progesterone ratio. The change in this ratio during pregnancy correlates with maternal behaviour immediately after birth (Fleming et al. 1997). Lactation as well may influence mothering behaviour due to lactation-induced hormonal changes. As tested in nonhuman primates, breastfeeding heightens the concentration of blood hormones like oxytocin, which has a motivating role in nursing and grooming behaviour (Maestripieri et al. 2009). In addition, women have a lower threshold for responding to babies than most men (Silk 2002) and feel more protective towards infants (Alley 1983). More recently, it was found that women are more interested than men in babies and caretaking (Maestripieri and Pelka 2002) and that women feel somewhat more motivated than men to take care for babies when these have (manipulated) very baby-like faces (Glocker et al. 2009). It is suggested that these biological factors induce nursing behaviour in females (Hrdy 2005) and make it satisfying for mothers to nurture their children. However, this does not mean that men cannot be induced to demonstrate caretaking behaviour. That the social environment can induce paternal care is for instance suggested by the finding that men engage in more paternal care when couple intimacy is high (Belsky et al. 1991). Also biology helps in inducing paternal care: expectant mothers and fathers both experience an increase in prolactin levels and, in humans, higher prolactin levels in men are correlated with more paternal behaviour (Storey et al. 2000; Fleming et al. 2002). Experienced fathers are more reactive towards cries of babies than first-time or less experienced fathers: they show a more enhanced prolactin response and they feel a greater need to respond to the infant’s cries (Fleming et al. 2002).
In other words, while men can be induced to be more responsive to children, it is plausible that many mothers—not necessarily women in general, maybe only those who have been pregnant or are lactating—will still want to spend more time with their children compared to fathers. If these differences in desires are—even partly—caused by hormonal changes during pregnancy and lactation, then we may expect these differences in desires to exist over a vast range of social environments. Along this line of thought, one can expect that completely eradicating the resulting ‘role patterns’ would demand that many men and women constantly act against their internal desires. This could be very hard to do, and even could be dissatisfying. Of course, it is exactly the point of moral behavior to act against certain tendencies for moral reasons.Footnote 4 However, enforcing the total eradication of all gender differences not only conflicts with strong spontaneous tendencies, it can therefore also conflict with specific values humans have. Since people differ in their basic outlook of life, we value freedom of choice and life satisfaction; in general women also value familial intimacy more than men do. We also consider these values as moral reasons for acting. As a consequence, a more coherent solution could allow for role patterns to exist without forcing people into a certain role and without disvaluing one or the other role in e.g., economic terms. This implies that one takes into account the inherent desires people have;Footnote 5 men who prefer child care over politics may as well fulfil this role; women who prefer politics over child care may pursue their ambitions. But if a substantial amount of mothers spontaneously want to specialize in child care and service work, their choice can be allowed as well.
Then the question becomes how to accommodate the possibility that several women want to have both employment and children. Indeed, studies show that across Europe, the US and Japan, a relative majority of women prefers combining employment and family work above either a work-centred life (focused on a career and where family-life is fitted around their paid work) or a home-centred life (giving priority on private life and family over paid work). Significantly, men tend to prefer a work-centred life more than women do (Hakim 2008). This makes one expect that several women wanting to combine employment or a career with having children cannot easily rely on the willingness of their partner to contribute equally in the household.
Here science provides us unforeseen options. For instance, in modern societies grandparents often invest heavily in their grandchildren (e.g., Pollet 2007). In extant hunter-gatherer societies as well, children clearly benefit from the help of others than their parents, especially of maternal grandmothers (Sear and Mace 2008). It is suggested that during long periods of our evolution, children’s survival depended on the additional care they received from others than their mothers (Hrdy 2005). On the basis of this knowledge, one can consider promoting institutionalized childcare or familial assistance, benefiting those mothers who pursue demanding occupations. Moreover, fathers can be induced to feel more attentive towards infants as well. We can use this and similar information to optimally promote paternal care, although realizing that since differences in desires remain, an equal role pattern will be very hard to achieve. In sum, to promote women’s professional aspirations, a narrow focus on paternal care will not help as much in reaching this aim as other possibilities would. A more optimal and desired solution is to keep the possibilities open by promoting or facilitating familial care, institutionalized childcare and paternal care.
What this account illustrates is that scientific knowledge about children’s needs and our evolved nature incites us to consider more successful alternatives to the enforced paternal care one tried to implement in the original Kibbutzim. Fathers should have the possibility to go on paternity leave, but science teaches us that this possibility alone will not be enough to free ambitious mothers from their mother roles. Promoting childcare facilities and familial assistance may be a more fruitful option.
Scientific findings play a double role in this example. First, they make us realize that people hold unforeseen values. Scientific findings make us take seriously the fact that women in general value childcare more than men in general do because. according to the scientific information we have, this difference is unlikely to be eradicated by upbringing. Also, familial solidarity appeared a possible and partial solution for childcare regulations. If we care about freedom of life choice and more economic equality, then science informs us that we could promote familial childcare systems. Hence, science is conditionally relevant for normative conclusions. Second, science guides away from certain value systems when, as in the example, its values cannot be realized because for instance they conflict too much. Total equality conflicts with the fact that men and women generally value different things and want to make other life choices. Hence, if we accept that we want a practically coherent normative system, then we have to downgrade the importance of either total equality or of freedom of choice. If we want a coherent system that takes deeply ingrained desires into account, then we should not aim for total equality. Again, science is conditionally relevant for our normative conclusions.
Now, when science guides us away from value sets or imports new moral options, do we then commit the naturalistic fallacy? In both cases, one can ask if we are not deriving a first moral norm from a pure description of the world. Let us consider the case where science guides us away from a normative system based on total equality. The structure of the reasoning was as follows:
Moral premises: Freedom of life choice, equality and practical feasibility are all morally good.
Factual premises: In general and over a broad range of situations (varying in upbringing, culture, etc.) women value childcare more then men do.
Conclusion: Sexual differences in time spent in caring for children ought not to be totally eradicated.
Clearly, the conclusion is not derived independently from normative rules. It is therefore not a first moral norm. But one might ask where the moral premises come from. Is any of them a first moral norm? Some of these norms (e.g., freedom of life choice) came into play because scientific findings made us realize they were important. However, we did not try to establish their truth: they were used as an assumption. We could have rejected these norms and used different ones, for example when they conflict with other values we hold or scientific information about their feasibility Therefore, no naturalistic fallacy has been commited. However, seeing the status of moral norms as mere assumptions invites the criticism that science does not offer a definite justification, obligation or ‘foundation’ for any normative statement. To this, we can only say that we could not agree more: we fully endorse that science guides ethics conditionally, not absolutely. The Kibbutzim do not have to be organized that way, this is conditional on whether we accept these values or not. Science does guide ethics though, not by inferring true moral principles but by pointing us to which values we do hold and which value sets are incoherent. In the following section we will also argue that this quest for foundations is often misguided.
Criticisms of Scientific Ethics and the Quest for a Foundation
How do critics oppose the sketched conditional procedures? To answer this question we draw on the clarifications made in Sect. 2.2. There we argued that Moore’s concept of the naturalistic fallacy is an argument against ethical foundations. Hence Moore’s critique was aimed towards early evolutionary ethicists like Spencer who did commit the naturalistic fallacy; it is not used to criticize ethicists who do not provide such a foundation. Contemporary critics however, accuse current scientific ethicists (and more specifically, evolutionary ethicists) of committing the naturalistic fallacy, while at the same time critiquing them for not providing a foundation for ethics. Let us dig deeper in this request for foundations as done by contemporary critics of scientific ethics.
Several scientific ethicists have argued that scientific information can be used to argue for and against specific values (e.g., Flanagan 1996; Casebeer 2003). Some of these scholars grant a special role to evolutionary theories (e.g., Ruse 1995). The idea is that information about our evolved nature is particularly relevant to ethics because it highlights general human possibilities and constraints. Hence, evolutionary theories, together with empirical data that corroborate these theories, can guide normative ethics in the most general way. As Rosenberg (2000, 9) asserts, of all sciences evolutionary theory “maximally combines relevance to human affairs and well-foundedness.”
Among scientific ethics, it is mostly this kind of evolutionary ethics that is under attack. This is understandable from a historical perspective. Some evolutionary ethicists did try to ground ethics in evolution by inferring a first moral principle from our evolved nature (Richards 1986; E. O. Wilson 1984). Most evolutionary inspired scientific ethicists however mainly indulge in the reasoning as sketched in the example (Ruse and Wilson 1986; Binmore 2005). Nonetheless, both accounts have been criticized.
As one of the established critics of scientific ethics, especially Paul Farber (1994) reviewed accounts of evolutionary ethics throughout history. His work demonstrates the same reasoning behind recent criticism against scientific ethics. Therefore Farber’s The Temptations of Evolutionary Ethics is used as a template to analyze this criticism. According to Farber, sociobiology—which relates animal and human behavior to its evolutionary history—“offers no new hope, no new foundation” for ethics (ibidem, 156). With this statement, Farber warns against reintroducing the naturalistic fallacy in evolutionary ethics, which is the most famous way of grounding ethics. However, should one abandon hope together with foundations?
Although Farber acknowledges the existence of nonfoundational accounts, he is little enthusiastic about them. He discusses a range of programs in twentieth-century evolutionary ethics, of which several do not commit the naturalistic fallacy and make no attempt at grounding anything. One of them is the strong program, which attempts to provide moral guidance by informing us about our biological nature. Farber rejects this program because “an established picture of human nature from which to derive useful lessons is far away” (ibidem, 160). About the weak program, which aims at an understanding of what morality is, Farber argues that it does not provide moral guidance. Still, he recognizes it as “a possible source of relevant information” (ibidem, 160) and adopts the ambitions of the weaker program in using scientific information “in order to avoid misguided moralizing” (ibidem, 160). This seems to hint at a contradiction, especially because ‘the avoidance of misguided moralizing’ can be taken at least as some kind of moral guidance. In the Kibbutzim example, we concluded that scientific discussions can lead to conditional moral guidance. Evolutionary information is a helpful guide for moral practice, exactly because it constrains the desirable possibilities, while it suggests otherwise unnoticed options.
Farber finds these approaches wanting and concludes pessimistically that “the newest program for an evolutionary ethics looks […] unpromising as a theory of ethics” (ibidem, 166–7). The only option he considers for evolutionary science is to provide a foundation for ethics (ibidem, 163–165). However, as argued in the discussion about the naturalistic fallacy, nothing can offer a foundation for ethics. Indeed, also Farber (ibidem, 165) is aware that all attempts to construe a unified rational ethics have “hit on hard times”. Consequently, if a foundationalist ethics proves to be impossible, why strive for it and not seek other alternatives?
Only at the end of his book, Farber briefly speculates on another possibility: “perhaps if philosophers develop an ethical theory […] that is nonfoundationalist, evolutionary considerations may enter the philosophical arena” (ibidem, 165). He tentatively mentions pragmatism and Rawls’ Theory of Justice. But, then again, he adds, these ethical philosophers rarely mention evolutionary ethics. The possibility that their ethics could benefit from evolutionary findings is not even considered by Farber. He simply concludes that evolutionary ethics looks unpromising as a theory of ethics. We think that, given Farber’s opposition towards committing the naturalistic fallacy, he should either consider a nonfoundationalist approach for evolutionary and scientific ethics or make clear what he intends with a theory of ethics.
Criticism like Farber’s is well spread. Peter Woolcock, for example, argues that all the work in evolutionary ethics he studied committed the naturalistic fallacy. But he also claims that “in order to have some normative relevance, a descriptive theory would seem to have to be able to leap the “is/ought” gap” (Woolcock 1999, 290). And since evolutionary theory cannot leap this gap, he concludes that the naturalistic fallacy invalidates all efforts at an evolutionary ethics (ibidem, 282). In between lines, he does suggest that there can be other ways to ground ethics. For instance, he argues that ethical terms may not be “identical in meaning with some natural property, nonetheless they might be identical in fact with some natural property, just as water does not mean “H2O,” even though in fact it is identical with H2O” (ibidem, 284). But Woolcock does not consider this a serious option for science. Therefore, his argument is similar to that of Farber’s: there is the impossible demand that a descriptive theory should leap the is/ought gap if it is to be relevant to ethics. At the same time, ethics that are inspired by scientific theories (in casu evolutionary theory) are accused of committing the naturalistic fallacy. This is inconsistent, unless Woolcock explains how the is/ought gap is different from the naturalistic fallacy in this regard (which he does not). Moreover, if nothing can ground ethics, considering grounding to be a criterion for ethical relevance is highly questionable.
Last but not least, Alexander Rosenberg acknowledges that science can inform ethics in the ways described here in Sect. 3.1. But he also claims that this is not enough: “for a theory of human nature to have ramifications for moral philosophy itself, it will have to do more than any of these things” (Rosenberg 2000, 120). According to Rosenberg, to be morally interesting, a theory of human nature must at least be able to derive some moral statement—a principle, value, obligation, etc.—from a descriptive theory. One cannot begin with assumptions with normative content because then “these assumptions are doing all the real work, and […] the biological theory makes no distinctive contribution to the derivation” (ibidem, 120). Indeed, the normative assumptions in the Kibbutzim example do some of the work—but the scientific information is relevant, both for eliminating certain value sets because they are less consistent than others, as for pointing us towards certain values. Still, Rosenberg demands an independent derivation of moral statements from a descriptive theory if this descriptive theory is to be truly relevant to ethics. But why would he demand this? Even more so when taking that he, too, explicitly connects the derivation of first principles with the illegitimate bridging of the is/ought gap: “the possibility of deriving […] the existence of some moral principle […] rests on two preconditions. The first is that we can derive “ought” from “is””(ibidem, 120). Even though Rosenberg does not express his opinion on whether he accepts the reasoning behind the naturalistic fallacy or not, that this first precondition cannot be realized “seems to me [Rosenberg] at least as widely held a view as any other claim in moral philosophy or meta-ethics” (ibidem, 120). As Woolcock, perhaps he does not follow Moore’s original interpretation of the naturalistic fallacy. Perhaps he too has some kind of foundation in mind that is not refuted by it. Unfortunately, once again, there is no indication that he really is considering such an alternative.
In sum, according to the discussed authors, scientific ethicists either commit the naturalistic fallacy or fail to make their descriptive theory morally relevant. This also counts when using evolutionary theory in order to ground ethics, as has been the case in several sociobiological and evolutionary epistemological approaches. Questioning when science would be relevant for normative ethics, these critics suggest that it should provide either a new foundation (Farber), leap the is/ought gap (Woolcock) or derive moral statements from a descriptive theory (Rosenberg). In light of the naturalistic fallacy, these suggestions are all impossible. This leads one to ask whether the authors either accept Moore’s interpretation of the naturalistic fallacy or have a foundational ethics in mind that does not commit to Moore’s reasoning. Only Farber suggested a way out of these impossibilities, namely that in a nonfoundational ethical theory, evolutionary considerations may be of relevance. While Farber never examined this option further, we already illustrated in Sect. 3.1 that scientific ethics can be promising even if one is not trying to ‘ground’ ethics. In what follows, we will argue that scientific ethics is also a philosophically underpinned theory. As such, there is no use to abandon hope together with ‘foundations’, as Farber does.Footnote 6