Abstract
This study integrates some of the seminal public choice research on clubs and recent research on prison gangs into an analysis of the formation of surf gangs. More specifically, this study presents a model examining how surf break congestion, localism effort, and surfing camaraderie work to determine the optimal size of a local surf gang. The benefits of surfing in groups fall under the heading of camaraderie, and their presence means that the optimal surf gang size is bounded away from one. The benefits of camaraderie in surfing will likely be exhausted at small numbers owing to crowding of the surf break.
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Notes
Kvinta (2013) indicates that 64% (36%) of all U.S. surfers are male (female). These percentages translate to about 2.1 million (1.2 million) male surfers (female surfers) in the U.S.
See waveloch.com.
See also waveloch.com. Kvinta (2013) offers a good example of the importance of surf tourism in the U.S. by way of the Trestles surf break in San Diego County, California. This particular surf break is visited by 300,000 people annually, each of whom spends $80 per visit, for a total of $24 million each year. These and the foregoing statistics are perhaps unsurprising given that the median surfer earns $75,000 per year (waveloch.com).
More specifically, results in Scorse et al. (2015) suggest that a residence that is adjacent to a surf break benefits from a $106,000 premium when compared to an equivalent residence a mile away.
According to surfline.com’s Surfology glossary (https://www.surfline.com/surfology/surfology_glossary_index.cfm), a “surf break” is a line where waves begin to break, which, ceteris paribus, generally occurs when they reach water depths equaling approximately 1.3 times the wave face height. A wave’s face is the steepening shoreward front of a wave, where most riding takes place (Surfology).
A “curl” is an “older term used to describe the concave face of the wave just before breaking (Surfology).”
Kaffine (2009, 731) adds that treating surf break quality as exogenous “isolates the incentives locals have to close the commons.”
As Kaffine (2009, 732) points out, these conclusions are intuitive given that a higher quality surf break will draw the interest of a larger number of surfers, fiercer property rights protection will deter more surfers from accessing the surf break, and fewer surfers will be interested in surfing a given break if better returns can be had elsewhere.
As Kaffine (2009, 733) indicates, the first term in (6) captures the direct benefits that local surfers receive from the surf break, while the second term captures the indirect congestion costs due to an increase in non-local surfers.
As Kaffine (2009, 734) adds, here surf break congestion disutility affects local surfers more than it does non-local surfers, such that ∂UL/∂n < ∂UNL/∂n and \( \partial U_{L}^{2} /\partial q\partial n < \partial U_{NL}^{2} /\partial q\partial n \), and (1) takes the form, \( \mathop {\hbox{max} }\limits_{y} (B_{L} q^{2} /n) - cy^{2} \), while (2) takes the form, \( \left( {B_{\text{NL}} q/n} \right) \, {-}py = \bar{V} \). Lastly, rearranging for n and inserting into the local surfers’ optimization problem and solving for y* yields, y* = q(BLp/2BNLc) (Kaffine 2009, 734).
Other sources (http://www.innatmavericks.com/blog/mavericks-half-moon-bay/) classify Clark as a re-discoverer of Mavericks, and instead attribute its original discovery to Half Moon Bay surfers Alex Matienzo, Jim Thompson and Dick Knottmeyer, who first surfed there in 1967.
Kaffine (2009, 729) points out that many local surfers feel that they own a surf break after surfing it for years, thus replicating patterns of behavior that have been observed in common-pool lobster fisheries (Acheson 1988). In a brief footnote, Mixon (2014, 381) cites the Clark/Mavericks case as an extreme example of “local surfer ownership”.
This assertion is supported by the relatively small group that eventually joined Clark at Mavericks.
See Surfer Today (https://www.surfertoday.com/surfing/9554-the-most-feared-surf-gangs-in-the-world).
See Surfer Today and IndoSurfLife.com.
See IndoSurfLife.com.
See IndoSurfLife.com.
See IndoSurfLife.com.
The victim in this case is a teacher who attempted to surf the Lunada Bay break but suffered a broken pelvis, allegedly at the hands of the Bay Boys (Harper 2015).
See IndoSurfLife.com.
See Surfer Today. For an ethnographic approach to surf gang behavior, see Usher and Gómez (2016). These authors examine the surf localism among local Costa Rican and foreign resident surfers in Pavones, Costa Rica, a well-known surf break considered the second longest left-breaking wave in the world. Through interviews they find that Costa Rican surfers feel a greater sense of ownership of the surf break, but were less likely to start verbal or physical conflicts with other surfers than resident foreigners, who indicated feeling a right to the break, more so than ownership.
Data on surf gangs’ ages, sizes, and activities are, perhaps unsurprisingly, relatively scant.
Given the small sample size, there is, admittedly, noise present in any statistical inference that is drawn in this portion of the study.
Unfortunately, documenting the scope, or existence, of pecuniary and in-kind rent seeking activity in this specific context is a virtually impossible task.
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The author is grateful to two anonymous referees and Todd Sandler for helpful comments. The usual caveat applies.
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Mixon, F.G. Camaraderie, common pool congestion, and the optimal size of surf gangs. Econ Gov 19, 381–396 (2018). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10101-018-0211-6
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10101-018-0211-6