Our findings suggest that the COVID-19 pandemic restrictions had wide-ranging, negative impacts for Australian families. Parents participating in the CPAS study had worse functioning across multiple domains compared to Australian pre-pandemic data, including worse parent mental health (i.e., depression, anxiety, and stress) and increased alcohol use. There was also evidence of more strained family relationships, with levels of parenting irritability and couple verbal conflict higher in the CPAS cohort compared to in pre-pandemic data, while family positive expressiveness was lower. Although findings varied depending on the domain examined, we consistently found that younger parent age, increased financial deprivation, pre-existing parent physical and mental health conditions, COVID-19 psychological and environmental stressors, and housing dissatisfaction were associated with worse parent functioning and more strained family relationships. Regarding child mental health, parent pre-existing health conditions and COVID-19 psychological and environmental stressors were consistently associated with higher child anxiety and depressive symptoms, in addition to the child having an ADHD or ASD diagnosis.
COVID-19 and increased mental health risks
Parents in this study had higher levels of depression, anxiety, and stress compared to Australian pre-pandemic data. This is consistent with study findings related to general adult samples [4, 5, 8, 9, 11,12,13,14]. Our findings extend this literature by focusing on parents specifically, by comparing mental health symptoms to pre-pandemic data, and by demonstrating important associations with pandemic stressors. We similarly found that parent alcohol use was higher than pre-pandemic data, consistent with an Australian study of adults [16]. Our finding of lower smoking rates reflect known reductions in tobacco use in the Australian population over time [50], but may also reflect opportunities for smokers to quit. However, we also found that COVID-19 environmental stressors were associated with increased parent smoking. Positively, our analysis suggests few differences in parent emotion regulation between participants in the CPAS study and pre-pandemic data, which may indicate stability in these skills over time.
We compared depressive symptoms in our sample to an Australian study of 349 children aged 12–15 years, and found no differences [41]. However, a number of studies have identified higher mental health difficulties in children and adolescents in the context of COVID-19, although they did not systematically compare to pre-pandemic data [12, 18,19,20, 26, 27, 51, 52]. Our finding may be due to only having a small matched sample (17% aged 12–15 years). Future studies should collect child self-report measures that can be compared to pre-pandemic data, or use prospective designs. Further, except for where we matched to child ages in comparison samples, we examined child outcomes for children 0–18 years. Given considerable differences in child development, as well as differences in the context of parenting infants, young children and adolescents, future research should examine child age effects.
COVID-19 and family functioning
Our findings point to differences in the functioning of families during the pandemic. Higher levels of parenting irritability and lower levels of family positive expressiveness were observed. The evidence for couple verbal conflict was mixed. Minimal differences were evident in the comparison to the CAPES cohort, which was recruited via online methods very similar to the CPAS cohort, and more proximally in time (2018–2019); compared to the LSAC study, collected 2004–2018.
Pre-existing and COVID-19 related risk factors
We found that pre-pandemic financial deprivation was consistently associated with worse parent, child, and family functioning outcomes. Vulnerable families already struggling with socio-economic disadvantage prior to the pandemic were those who suffered most during the pandemic. Geographic remoteness was mostly not associated with outcomes. However, the number of children in the household was somewhat protective for child anxiety symptoms, but was associated with greater parenting irritability, and more negative family expressiveness. It is possible that larger household sizes mitigate some of the negative effects of social isolation, but contribute to greater burden on parents overall, leading to poorer family dynamics. Renting compared to owning a house was associated with higher child depression, and housing dissatisfaction was associated with worse parent functioning and more strained family relationships, in line with previous pandemic [53] and pre-pandemic research [35]. These associations may be due to poorer quality environments in rental homes [54], or perhaps relate to unmeasured socio-economic risk. Housing effects on child outcomes and parent–child relationships have also been shown to be exacerbated by the quantity of time children spend at home [35], which was dramatically increased during the pandemic. Finally, we found that parents living in homes with higher levels of overcrowding reported higher levels of parent stress and child depression, and lower levels of family positive expressiveness, also consistent with pre-pandemic evidence showing associations between crowding and child psychological health [36].
Parents who had a pre-existing mental and/or physical health condition had worse outcomes, consistent with one other COVID-19 study, showing that adults with pre-existing mental health conditions were at greater risk of relapse or new episodes of mental illness [55]. In addition, prior parent mental health difficulties were associated with higher couple conflict and family negative expressiveness. Parents with a prior chronic physical health condition had increased anxiety and stress symptoms, and reported their child as having worse anxiety symptoms.
15% of our sample was reported to have a child with ADHD or ASD. Given that these conditions are associated with increased child and parent mental health symptoms [56, 57], and that these rates appear higher than other Australian population estimates [58, 59], we conducted sensitivity analyses excluding children with ADHD or ASD from the sample. We found that excluding these children had minimal influence on our comparisons to pre-pandemic data. However, we found that having a child with ADHD or ASD was a unique predictor of increased child anxiety and depressive symptoms during the COVID-19 pandemic. This is consistent with pre-pandemic studies that have linked neurodevelopmental conditions such as ADHD and ASD to increased child and depressive symptoms [56, 60]. Similarly, we found that having a child with ADHD and/or ASD was associated with higher levels of parenting irritability, couple conflict, and family positive/negative expressiveness. The associations between ADHD/ASD and more strained family relationships are well-established [57], thus it is unclear whether these findings reflect pre-pandemic patterns or were strengthened during COVID-19.
We consistently found that COVID-19 related psychological and/or environmental stressors were uniquely associated with worse outcomes, with increased risk spanning across most parent, child, and family functioning domains. These findings are consistent with a growing body of research suggesting that COVID-19 related worries and stressors appear to be associated with worse functioning [18,19,20, 27]. Our measure of COVID-19 psychological stress assessed participants’ feelings about being exposed to coronavirus and their ability to cope with COVID-19. Given the association between COVID-19 psychological stress and child mental health, it is possible that children may be attuned to their parents’ concerns. However, it is also possible that this association reflects parents providing severe ratings of child’s symptoms in context of their own symptoms [61]. The collection of child-reported data is important in future research and will address this issue.
Parents who had children at home while they juggled paid work from home reported more strain, including higher parent depression, child anxiety, and parenting irritability. There is a well-established body of longitudinal evidence showing that increases in conflict between parents’ work and family roles lead to parent mental health problems, more irritable parenting, couple conflict, and child mental health problems [62, 63]. During the pandemic, these associations are likely to be compounded by restrictions that prevent children from accessing playgrounds, campus-based schooling, and other social supports.
Recommendations
Overall, this study underscores the importance of considering the mental health of parents and children in the context of the whole family unit. Thus, we consider levers for intervention that are focused on improving both parent and child mental health via providing parents with additional support. Given that the stress and mental health concerns of parents were associated with greater couple conflict and negative family expressiveness, providing programs to vulnerable parents that focus on family relationships may be especially important. There is a wealth of evidence to suggest that strengthening family relationships not only attenuates the negative effects of external stressors and vulnerabilities on relationship outcomes [64], but also can aide in reducing parent and child mental health symptoms [65]. Further, steps to alleviate the stress of working parents are critical, such as dedicated leave entitlements for parents juggling work with home-schooling or caring for children [66], and workplace interventions improving managerial support and flexible work arrangements throughout the pandemic. Given we identified poorer outcomes associated with structural inequalities, our findings support calls for (1) additional financial supports for financially stressed parents during and in the wake of the pandemic [66]; and (2) the need for investment in high quality social housing.
The current study identified an association between parents’ news media consumption, COVID-19 psychological stressors, and mental health problems. Advising parents to avoid news media may be challenging, given their need for social connection during lockdown and the changing public health advice across the pandemic period. Instead, parents could be advised to seek health information directly from government public health sources, thereby reducing exposure to sensationalized or panic-inducing headlines [29]. Parents may also need more support in how to best communicate with their child about the COVID-19 pandemic, as well as about future stressful world events, in a way that provides factual information without increasing worry in children; for example, via short stories or cartoons, such as those used by headtohealth.gov.au.
Strengths and limitations
This study has a number of strengths, including the large, population-weighted sample and the direct comparison to pre-pandemic data via a rigorous meta-analytic approach. Although our measures were brief, we used well-validated tools and examined family functioning across a broad range of domains. There are a number of limitations that also need to be taken into account. For practical reasons, we were unable to collect child-reported data in this study, thus all measures are parent-reported. Our assessment of parent and child mental health problems were based on survey responses, without an objective confirmation from other sources (e.g., from clinical records or direct assessment). Data were cross-sectional, and although they were compared to pre-pandemic samples, the study design was not longitudinal. Our results may have been influenced by underlying differences between the samples rather than purely relating to the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. Further, we recruited a large sample with the intention of being as population-representative as possible, and examined both population-weighted and unweighted data. Nonetheless, our online-recruited, self-selecting sample had some differences compared to the Australian population, and was not truly representative. The comparisons with a pre-pandemic cohort also recruited online (i.e., minimizing sampling differences) add confidence to our findings. Future longitudinal studies with nationally representative samples are needed to replicate findings. Finally, although fairly evenly spread across age-groups, our numbers of adolescents were lower compared to children aged, and this may limit the generalizability of findings specific to adolescent-aged children. Future research could also compare differences in children versus adolescents.
Concluding comments
Our findings indicate that the COVID-19 pandemic and associated social distancing restrictions in place across Australia in April 2020 were associated with poorer parent and child mental health, and poorer family functioning. We identified several factors connected with poorer outcomes, most notably COVID-19 psychological and environmental stressors, pre-existing health conditions, and pre-existing or COVID-19 related financial deprivation. Our findings build empirical evidence for a number of policy actions to support and protect families from the likely adverse impacts of the pandemic. These include additional financial supports for non-employed and low-income parents, dedicated leave entitlements for parents juggling work with home-schooling or caring for children, and investment in high quality social housing. Our data also support increased investment in evidence-based and flexibly delivered mental health interventions for children and families, targeted to areas of need.