Abstract
We quantify the impact of abortion legalization on the incidence of unintended births. While underlying much of the literature on abortion legalization, this effect had only been approximated by previous work. We find a strong decline in the prevalence of unintended births. Moreover, we find that this decline is mainly driven by “pro-choice” women. We then propose an empirical strategy to recover the effect of being “unintended” on life cycle outcomes. We use the differential timing of abortion legalization across states interacted with the mother’s religion (which facilitates or hinders legal abortion take up) to instrument for endogenous pregnancy intention. We find that being unintended causes negative outcomes (higher crime, lower schooling, lower earnings) over the life cycle. Our paper provides an initial step towards quantifying this key mechanism behind many of the well-documented long-term effects associated with changes in reproductive health policy
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Indeed, Donohue and Levitt (2001, 2004, 2008) and Pantano (2007) suggest that unintended children might be at risk of higher crime propensity. They provide evidence that abortion legalization and early access to the birth control pill reduce future crime once impacted cohorts reach their criminal prime.
Levine et al. (1999) focus on the immediate fertility effects of legalization and document a strong decline in the contemporaneous total birth rate while Ananat et al. (2007) extend the analysis to completed life cycle fertility. They find no effects on completed fertility at the intensive margin. Angrist and Evans (1996) focus on labor market and schooling effects. Guldi (2008) compares the fertility effects of abortion legalization and access to the birth control pill for minors.
See Joyce (1987), Joyce and Grossman (1990) , and Grossman and Joyce (1990) for prenatal care and birth weight, Gruber et al. (1999 for living circumstances, Donohue and Levitt (2001,2004,2008), Foote and Goetz (2005), see Joyce (2004, 2009a, 2009b) and Lott and Whitley 2007 for crime. Ananat et al. (2009) encompass and contrast the methodologies used by Gruber et al. (1999) and Donahue and Levitt (2001) and highlight the differential effect on pregnancy rates in repeal states. See also Charles and Stephens (2006) for substance use and Ozbeklik (2014) and Donohue et al. (2009) for teen pregnancy.
Surprisingly, little is known (even at a descriptive level) about the relationship between being unintended and outcomes later in life. Outside economics, we are aware of some articles that look at the effect of pregnancy intention on maternal behavior during pregnancy, prenatal care and birth weight outcomes. See Marsiglio and Mott (1988), Weller et al. (1987), and Joyce et al. (2002)
See Pop-Eleches (2006) for an example of how this mechanism may operate.
People may tend to under-report their involvement with the criminal justice system. However, to the extent that under-reporting is uncorrelated with intendedness (i.e., intended and unintended children underreported crime as adults at the same rate) we don’t expect this to cause any bias in our estimates of the impact of being an unintended child on crime.
Note that when most of our sample of children reaches the age of 28, the PSID has become a biennial survey. This implies that in each wave, half of the sample has an odd number of years of age (i.e., 27, 29, etc.) and the other half has an even number of years of age (i.e., 26, 28, etc). Therefore, for approximately half of the sample that cannot be found at age 28 we actually collect their earnings at age 29.
Here, we depart from the demography tradition and follow Levine (2004) in classifying pregnancies as intended or unintended with reference to an economic model where what matters is whether the pregnancy generates a net cost (unintended) or a net benefit (intended) to the parents. See Santelli et al. (2003) for a detailed explanation of the terminology in the demography literature and in particular, the differences between unintended, unplanned, mistimed, etc.
While it is not possible to determine the degree of mistiming from the available data, we believe that we are only classifying relatively major mistimed pregnancies as unintended.This is because one of the options when responding the timing/intendedness questions was to say “yes, at the time I got pregnant with this baby I was planning to have a baby at some point” and “it came about the right time.” The wording of this last option, in particular, the use of the adverb “about” allows for cases with minor mistiming, thus relegating only major mistimings to the “too soon” category that we classify as unintended.
Note that for some of our sample children, this could mean as much as 20 or as few as 5 years after birth, depending on their year of birth.
See Rosenzweig and Wolpin (1993). They find that retrospective reports of the type used in this paper may overstate the true prevalence of unintendedness by up to 26 %. However, to the extent that such overstatement is more or less constant over time, we should still be able to identify the effects of interest given that we will be looking at changes in prevalence of unintendedness.
See Joyce et al. (2002)
We control for birth order effects in all of our models.
The following religions are coded as not having a sympathetic attitude towards abortion (i.e., pro-choice =0): Roman Catholic, Protestant, other Protestant, other Non-Christian, Latter Day Saints; Mormon, Jehovah’s Witnesses, Greek/Russian/Eastern Orthodox, Lutheran, Christian, Christian Science, Seventh Day Adventist, Pentecostal, Jewish, Amish, and Mennenite. On the other hand, Baptists, Episcopalians, Methodists, Presbyterians and Unitarians along with Agnostics and Atheists are coded as pro-choice =1.
While religion denomination is fairly stable over the life cycle, it is always possible that some women change their religious denomination over time. In particular, this might happen when a woman realizes that their core attitude towards abortion stands in contrast to the official position of their own church. We circumvent this problem by using religion reported in 1976, after the policy changes regarding the legal status of abortion. This allows us to ameliorate this type of misclassification problem.
Response rates to religion questions are quite high. Only 0.6 % of our final sample is lost due to missing maternal religion.
See Levine (2004), among others.
Our analysis assumes that women in the non-repeal states didn’t view the repeal states as valid options to pursue an abortion. In other words, our analysis abstracts away from the fact that women in states who only obtained access to legal abortion after 1973 (with Roe v. Wade) could have potentially travelled out-of-state to obtain abortions during 1971–1972 in the early legalization states (i.e., in the repeal states). Adjusting for this doesn’t substantially change the qualitative conclusions and would actually make our estimated effects slightly larger in magnitude. In other words, the fact that some in the control group can access treatment (in this case, through travel) actually attenuates our estimate of the legal abortion treatment.
Indeed, once we include individual controls and adjust for state and cohort effects (see column 4 of Table 4) we find that Roe v. Wade generated 15 percentage points (38 %) decline in the prevalence of unintended births, relative to a baseline of 39.3 % in non-repeal states in 1971–1972. In other words, roughly two out of five unintended children were averted. Non-repeal states accounted for about 80 % of births. Since there were 2,449,576 births for this age group in 1972, this implies that 2,449,576 × 0.80 × 0.34 × 0.38 = 253,190 unintended births were averted annually, a number in the same order of magnitude as the one implied by previous findings.
Indeed, the impact of early legalization is
$$\begin{array}{@{}rcl@{}} {\gamma^{\text{EARLEG}}} &=& E \left[{\mathrm{U}_{\text{ic}}}| {\text{Repeal}_{\mathrm{i}}}=1;{\mathrm{D7172} _{\mathrm{c}}}=1\right] -E \left[{\mathrm{U}_{\text{ic}}}| {\text{Repeal}_{\mathrm{i}}}=1; {\mathrm{D6669}_{\text{c}}}=1\right] \\ &&-\left( E\left[ \mathrm{U}_{\text{ic}}|\text{Repeal}_{\text{i}}=0;\mathrm{D7172}_{\mathrm{c}}=1\right] -E \left[{\mathrm{U}_{\text{ic}}} | {\text{Repeal}_{\text{i}}}=0;{\mathrm{D6669}_{\mathrm{c}}}=1\right]\right) \\ &=& {\alpha_{1}} \end{array} $$and the impact of Roe v. Wade is given by
$$\begin{array}{@{}rcl@{}} {\gamma^{\text{ROEvWADE}}} &=& E \left[\mathrm{U}_{\text{ic}}|\text{Non-repeal}_{\text{i}}=1; \mathrm{D7480}_{\text{c}}=1\right] -E\left[ \mathrm{U}_{\text{ic}}|\text{Non-repeal}_{\text{i}}=1; \mathrm{D7172}_{\text{t}}=1\right] \\ &&-\left( E\left[\mathrm{U}_{\text{ic}}|\text{Repeal}_{\text{i}}=1;\mathrm{D7480}_{\text{t}}=1\right] -E\left[\mathrm{U}_{\text{ic}}|\text{Repeal}_{\text{i}}=1;\mathrm{D7172}_{\text{t}}=1\right] \right)\\ &=&\alpha_{2} \end{array} $$Then, the overall decline of 15 percentage points documented in column 4 of Table 2 actually combines a 14.7 percentage points decline in unintendedness among the approximately 80 % of births originating in non-repeal states with a decline of 16.5 percentage points among the 20 % of births originating in repeal states.
We have also tested whether an indicator of the gender composition of the first two children is significantly associated with the probability that the second child is reported as unintended. The results show that it is not. Since the work of Angrist and Evans (1998), it is well known to economists that parents in the USA have strong preferences for gender variety in their offspring. One would suspect that ex-post reports of unintendedness might be contaminated by this fact and that a child would be more likely to be reported as unintended if his/her birth didn’t deliver the desired gender mix. Again, then, it is reassuring that an indicator of the gender composition of the first two children is not significantly associated with the reported pregnancy intention status of the second child. It provides further evidence that the survey elicitation successfully manages to mentally situate the respondent at the time of conception so that she can answer the question from that vantage point.
Our specification jointly estimates the effects of abortion legalization on the probability of being unintended using two triple-differences at the same time. There are three key periods in our data: 1966–1969, 1971–1972, and 1974–1980, separated by the early legalization in 1970 and Roe v. Wade in 1973. Consider the first triple-difference and ignore the period 1974-80. Note that a first simple difference-in-difference (DD) comes from comparing repeal states (who are treated with legalization in 1970) and non-repeal states (who act as control) both before and after 1970 (using 1966–1969 as “before” and 1971–1972 as “after”). This “treatment-control, after–before” DD becomes a triple difference (DDD) because we do the basic DD separately for children with pro-choice and pro-life mothers. The extra difference across groups who are more and less likely to take up treatment makes it a DDD. A second DDD exploits the changes before and after Roe v. Wade across repeal and non-repeal states and again across pro-choice and pro-life mothers. Our regression specification in Eq. 3 allows for an efficiency gain by pursuing a joint estimation of these two DDDs together.
We get a 27 percentage points decline by adding the baseline effect of −0.066 with the differential effect for those with pro-choice mothers of −0.206 in column 4 of Table 5. The sum of the two coefficients (−0.272) is statistically different from zero with a p value less than 0.01.
F-Statistics for the null of irrelevant excluded instruments in the first stage for the unintended indicator are well above 10. We experimented trying to include other endogenous mechanisms in the main equation, but the Stock-Yogo test for the case with more than one endogenous variable indicated that our instruments were not strong enough for those specifications. Therefore, we limit our analysis to specifications where Unintended ic is the only endogenous variable.
As explained above, we have reasons to believe that the reports of pregnancy intention status that we exploit are not biased. However, to the extent that there is some overreporting of unintendedness, the magnitude of the (negative) first-stage relationship between legal abortion status while in utero and being unintended will be attenuated. If this is the case, the IV results will overestimate the true effect. In adifferent context, Rosenzweig and Wolpin 1993 documented a potential overreporting of unintendedness of up to 26 %. The rate in our case is probably smaller as we include mistimed births in our definition. Then our estimates can be thought to be an upper bound that is reasonably close to the true effect.
The feasible range for α n is from 0 to 1. So the minimum value of α u is 0.0514 (0.161×0.32+0=0.05) and the maximum value of α u is 0.89 (0.161×0.32+(1−0.161)×1=0.89).
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Acknowledgments
Liz Ananat, Martha Bailey, Janet Currie, Sebastian Galiani, Bart Hamilton, Joe Hotz, Melissa Kearney, Pedro Mira, Enrico Moretti, Bob Pollak, Phil Robins and Matt Wiswall provided valuable comments. So did participants at several conferences and workshops. We are grateful to Naijia Guo, Hongqiao Li, Xiaoyu Xia, Cui Can, Yaoyao Zhu, Shuqiao Sun, Michael Jiang, Cecilia Fu, Yi Zhong and Dan Zhou for their help at various stages of this project. Lin gratefully acknowledges support from the Humanities and Social Science Foundation from China Ministry of Education (Project no. 13YJA790064). All errors remain our own.
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Appendix
Appendix
Using changes in adoptions to measure the effects of abortion legalization on unintended births is may not provide an accurate estimate because of the following three reasons: First, Bitler and Zavodny use changes in adoptions granted to non-relative petitioners. This measure is an equilibrium observation from the adoptions market and may not closely track the changes in the supply of unintended babies put up for adoption. Second, only a small fraction of unintended babies are put up for adoption. Third, the impact of abortion legalization on unintended births that are not put up for adoption is likely to be different from that on unintended births put up for adoption. We formalize these last two points here.
Let \(b_{\text {t}}=\frac {B_{\text {t}}}{F_{\text {t}}}\times 1,000\) be the birth rate at time t defined as the number of live births per 1,000 women. We can decompose this birth rate into its “intended” and “unintended” components
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\(i_{\text {t}}=\frac {{B_{\text {t}}^{\text {I}}}}{F_{\text {t}}}\times 1,000=\) intended birth rate t
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\(u_{\text {t}}=\frac {{B_{\text {t}}^{\text {U}}}}{F_{\text {t}}}\times 1,000=\) unintended birth rate t
Moreover, we can further distinguish within unintended births, \({B_{\text {t}}^{\text {I}}}\), those who will be put for adoption, \({B_{\text {t}}^{\text {A}}}\) from those who will not be put for adoption, \({B_{\text {t}}^{\text {N}}}\). The corresponding rates are
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\(a_{\text {t}}=\frac {{B_{\text {t}}^{A}}}{F_{\text {t}}}\times 1,000=\) for adoption birth rate t
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\(n_{\text {t}t}=\frac {{B_{\text {t}}^{\text {N}}}}{F_{\text {t}}}\times 1,000=\) not for adoption birth rate t
Note that
Let’s denote by α y the percent causal effect of abortion legalization on a generic birth rate y for y=b,i,u,a
As explained in the body of the paper, one of the missing links in the study of the effects of abortion legalization is its (percent) causal impact, α u, on the rate of unintended births. We expect α u < 0. Note that since u illegal = a illegal+n illegal we have
This makes clear that while the impact on adoption rates, α a (which Bitler and Zavodny (2002) and Levine (2004) identify) is an important part of the story, we still need two key parameters to estimate the impact of abortion legalization on the rate of unintended births α u:
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the share of unintended births that are being put up for adoption, \(\frac {{B_{\text {t}}^{\text {A}}}}{{B_{\text {t}}^{\text {U}}}},\) and
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the impact of abortion legalization on the number of unintended births that are not being put up for adoption, α n
Say, only 1.5 out of 10 unwanted births are put for adoption. Then, \(\frac { {B_{\text {t}}^{\text {A}}}}{{B_{\text {t}}^{\text {U}}}}=0.15\) and the actual impact of abortion legalization on the unintended birth rate would range from −5 to −90 %Footnote 29, depending upon the extent of decline on unintended births not relinquished for adoption, α n. Clearly, this range is not very informative. One option is to assume that α n=α a. Alternatively, one could conjecture that legalization had a stronger effect on unintended births put for adoption than on unintended births not put for adoption (i.e., |α n|<|α a|). In this case, the impact on the overall rate of unintended births would be lower, |α u|<|α a|. The Bitler-Zavodny-Levine estimate of a 32 % decline would then be an upper bound for |α u|. In particular, this would be true if unintended births who are put for adoption are “more unwanted” than unintended births not put for adoption. And, the higher the degree of unintendedness in a pregnancy, the higher the probability that it will be terminated by abortion. Alternatively, one could argue that the more responsible parents, or those who have moral problems with the use of abortion, are the ones who put unintended children up for adoption. In this case, legalization would have a stronger effect on unintended births not put for adoption. In this case, the Bitler-Zavodny-Levine estimate would be a lower bound for |α u|.
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Lin, W., Pantano, J. The unintended: negative outcomes over the life cycle. J Popul Econ 28, 479–508 (2015). https://doi.org/10.1007/s00148-014-0530-z
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s00148-014-0530-z