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The political economy of social exclusion, with implications for immigration policy

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Abstract

Minorities such as ethnic and immigration groups have often been subject to exclusion through labor market discrimination, residential and employment segregation policies, business ownership regulations, restrictions on political participation, access to public services, and more. This paper studies the dynamics of minority exclusion. From the viewpoint of the dominant majority, the exclusion decision balances the motive to redistribute income in its favor and the interest in avoiding potential civic unrest or even violent confrontation with the minority. The analysis also has implications for immigration policies, suggesting that they have to take this group dynamics into account.

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Notes

  1. The substantive distinction between minority and majority groups in this paper is not so much in numerical terms as it is in terms of political influence. Thus, what is labeled here as a majority represents, more generally, a politically dominant group, whatever its share of the population.

  2. Mazower (1998) contains a detailed account of mistreatment of ethnic minorities in Europe.

  3. There are, of course, anecdotal examples of highly successful discriminated minorities (Armenians in the Ottoman Empire, Indians in Africa, and Jews and Chinese almost everywhere), but they can hardly match the massive evidence of generally disadvantaged outcomes of other minority groups elsewhere.

  4. See Klassen (2002) for an extensive documentation of evidence on exclusion policies there.

  5. Incidentally, South Africa happens to be a society with one of the most unequal income distributions in the world, with the Gini coefficient of around 0.61.

  6. This is the United Nations Development Program's (UNDP) composite measure of life expectancy, schooling achievement, and a transformation of GDP per capita.

  7. Discrimination in the provision of publicly provided goods to indigenous populations in Latin America is discussed at the end of Section 5.1.

  8. See, e.g., the report of the Independent Commission on Migration to Germany (2001), which recommends taking measures to foster the integration of immigrants.

  9. See, e.g., the following account: “In 1781, rebel Indian armies shook the foundations of the Spanish empire when they laid siege to this city [La Paz]... The siege of La Paz lasted 109 days, reducing the white population to eating rats and boiled shoe leather... Two centuries later, the memory of that uprising is haunting the Andean region—and inspiring its native Indian underclass to become powerful political players.” (Class struggle. Along the Andes, Indians agitate for political gain. Wall Street Journal, January 8, 2004).

  10. Depending on the intensity of the minority protest, its manifestation can be alternatively labeled as revolution, civil unrest, insurgency, or other, and it might well be the outcome of secession intentions as discussed below. We use “rebellion” without an attempt to distinguish among these forms of protest; the important element is that it entails loss of output, and that its distributional effect differs from that under peaceful accumulation.

  11. We do not address the fundamental issue of why ethnicity and not other characteristics serve so often as distinctive marks for exclusion and discrimination, as well as to facilitate collective action necessary for rebellion. But clearly (hopefully, it will become even more so when empirical evidence is discussed below), it is a salient feature with important empirical implications.

  12. The previous version of the paper considered endogenization of the choice of the tax rate by the dominant majority; under the assumption that credible commitment to a tax rate is impossible, a constant rate emerges at the equilibrium.

  13. Note that, while in principle, exclusion can be costly for the majority, here, we disregard this element for simplicity.

  14. Moreover, there is also an additional component related to the social pressures of the members of one's own group. Thus, in some Hispanic communities, women in the US are discouraged from pursuing higher education, and some better educated African-Americans are labeled by others as “acting white” (see Fryer 2003 for a more detailed discussion).

  15. Note that we assume that the cost of cultural integration is only incurred when there are barriers to do so, that is, when society distinguishes between ethnic groups. A more realistic assumption that there is an additional psychological cost of cultural integration per se would not significantly change the results.

  16. This is because of the assumption that integration costs are directly proportional to the level of exclusion; if there was an autonomous cost component, full integration would not necessarily take place, yet the main results would remain unchanged.

  17. Thus, this result contains both a normative component (that the economy may benefit in the long run from inclusion), and a positive one (that it is not in the best interest of the majority). One interpretation of this result is that a welfare-improving policy of inclusion based on Coasean bargaining will not be realized because of incomplete contracting over the sharing of the resulting surplus.

  18. The analysis below ignores violent treatment of minority groups such as ethnic cleansing or expulsion.

  19. Protest in the form of civil disobedience, a successful strike by the minority, or its refusal to pay taxes, which results in reallocation of output as above, constitute some other possible interpretations. However, the adopted interpretation in terms of violent confrontations is easier to relate to empirical findings.

  20. Outbreaks of violence in the form of civil wars, rebellions, and civil unrest is a frequent by-product of interaction between ethnic groups, and they have been recently carefully documented in Gurr (1993) and Horowitz (2001). A review of these studies reveals that many of the violent confrontations are the result of discrimination against minorities—examples include riots and civil wars in Indonesia, parts of Central America (notably Guatemala and El Salvador), Northern Ireland, the former Yugoslavia, the Kurdish resistance movement, and others. Moreover, many of these tragic struggles carry an enormous economic burden for all parties involved. The argument made in the ensuing analysis that accommodation of a minority can alleviate rebellion tendencies is related to Grossman (1991) and Acemoglu and Robinson (2000).

  21. This assumption is not necessary, but it significantly simplifies the analysis.

  22. Note, however, that if income differences are relatively small, rebellion may never constitute a viable threat (see the steady-state analysis below where this is one of the possibilities).

  23. See the characterization of the steady-state under exclusion in the Appendix.

  24. Although this paper's model does not address this issue explicitly, to the extent that segregation is associated with exclusion from consumption of higher quality education, the results are applicable.

  25. Indeed, a policy recommendation coming out of Patrinos (1994) is that bilingual schooling can alleviate social exclusion.

  26. For instance, past immigration from Burkina Faso and Mali to Cote d'Ivoire increased the size of the Moslem minority in the North of the country.

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Acknowledgements

A much earlier version of the paper was presented in seminars at George Mason and Yale Universities. The comments received there as well as those of Marcelo Olarreaga, Marta Reynal-Querol, and anonymous referees are gratefully acknowledged. The views expressed here are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect those of the institutions with which they are associated.

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Correspondence to Mark Gradstein.

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Responsible editor: Gil S. Epstein

Appendices

Perfect exclusion

Maximization of the utility function of the minority members (Eq. 5b) yields

$$h_{{2t + 1}} = \alpha y_{{2t}} {\left( {1 - T} \right)}/{\left( {1 + \alpha } \right)},c_{{2t}} = y_{{2t}} {\left( {1 - T} \right)}/{\left( {1 + \alpha } \right)},y_{{2t + 1}} = A{\left[ {\alpha y_{{2t}} {\left( {1 - T} \right)}/{\left( {1 + \alpha } \right)}} \right]}^{\alpha } $$
(A1)

and the utility level

$$U_{2} = \ln {\left( {y_{{2t}} {\left( {1 - T} \right)}/{\left( {1 + \alpha } \right)}} \right)} + \ln {\left\{ {A{\left[ {\alpha y_{{2t}} {\left( {1 - T} \right)}/{\left( {1 + \alpha } \right)}} \right]}^{\alpha } } \right\}},$$
(A2)

while the values for the majority members are

$$c_{{1t}} = y_{{1t}} {\left( {1 - T} \right)},y_{{1t + 1}} = A{\left( {TY_{t} /N_{0} } \right)}^{\alpha } $$
(A3)

and the utility level

$$U_{1} = \ln {\left\{ {y_{{1t}} {\left( {1 - T} \right)}} \right\}} + \ln {\left\{ {A{\left( {TY_{t} /N_{0} } \right)}^{\alpha } } \right\}}.$$
(A4)

The exploitative nature of ethnic interaction in this case becomes obvious once Eq. (A1) is compared with Eq. (A3). The comparison reveals that current consumption levels are higher for the majority in all periods, t>0, and next-period income levels are higher provided that the tax rate is not too small. As a result, comparing next-period utility levels Eqs. (A2) and (A4) reveals that in this regard, the majority is also better off when the tax rate is high enough.

From Eq. (A1), the steady-state income level for the minority is

$$y^{*}_{2} = A^{{1/{\left( {1 - \alpha } \right)}}} {\left[ {\alpha {\left( {1 - T} \right)}/{\left( {1 + \alpha } \right)}} \right]}^{{\alpha /{\left( {1 - \alpha } \right)}}} .$$
(A5)

The steady-state income level for the majority is then determined from

$$y^{*}_{1} = A{\left( {TN_{0} } \right)}^{\alpha } y^{\alpha } ,$$
(A6)

where

$$Y_{E} = N_{0} y^{*}_{1} + {\left( {1 - N_{0} } \right)}y^{*}_{2} $$
(A7)

is the average steady-state income.

Differentiation reveals that Eq. (A7) is an increasing function of N 0 when it goes from 1/2 to 1, provided only that the tax rate is large enough.

Perfect inclusion

In this case, each individual's next-period income is Y t+1=A (TY t )a, and the steady-state income level is

$$Y_{I} = A^{{1/{\left( {1 - \alpha } \right)}}} T^{{\alpha /{\left( {1 - \alpha } \right)}}} .$$
(A8)

Comparing with Eq. (A7), we observe that when N 0=1, the two are the same. Thus, when the tax rate is large enough so that Eq. (A7) increases in N 0 in the relevant range, the steady-state income level under inclusion is higher than that under exclusion.

The resulting next-period utility level is

$$U{\left( {c_{{it}} ,y_{{it + 1}} } \right)} = \ln {\left( {y_{{it}} {\left( {1 - T} \right)}} \right)} + \ln {\left\{ {A{\left( {TY_{t} } \right)}^{\alpha } } \right\}},$$
(A9)

which is higher than under exclusion for all minority members and lower for all majority members.

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Gradstein, M., Schiff, M. The political economy of social exclusion, with implications for immigration policy. J Popul Econ 19, 327–344 (2006). https://doi.org/10.1007/s00148-005-0016-0

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