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Southern black elected officials: Impact on socioeconomic change

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The Review of Black Political Economy

Conclusion

Although this is an exploratory, descriptive analysis based on perceptual, not objective, data, several general conclusions are suggested. First of all, most black city officials claimed, and a sample of white observers agreed, that they have helped provide improved services for Blacks, especially streets, water and sewage, and recreation, and to a lesser extent, police protection and public employment. These basic services are considered to be some of the most pressing problems in most black areas. Yet black officials felt severely constrained in their ability to deal with politically sensitive private sector services like housing and employment. Of greatest importance, however, are the most symbolic kinds of benefits that these officials believed they had provided. These benefits included representing black interests and needs in the political process, encouraging other Blacks to run for elected office, modifying racial steretotypes, serving as role models, and educating Blacks on how to become more politically effective. In addition, many knowledgeable whites felt that black officials served to improve race relations in their communities and sensitized white officials to black problems. This ability to effect mainly symbolic, rather than substantive, changes reflects the limits of black politics when such officials are politically inexperienced, constrained by a white council and a predominantly white electorate, and feel ineffective in improving private sector services.

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Notes

  1. See Charles S. Bullock III, “The Election of Blacks in the South: Preconditions and Consequences,”American Journal of Political Science, 14, November 1975, pp. 727–739; Kenneth S. Colburn,Southern Black Mayors: Local Problems and Federal Responses, Washington, D.C.: Joint Center for Political Studies, 1974; Albert K. Karnig, “Black Representation on City Councils: The Impact of District Elections and Socio-economic Factors,”Urban Affairs Quarterly, 12, December 1976, pp. 236–239; William E. Nelson, Jr. and Philip J. Meranto,Electing Black Mayors: Political Action in the Black Community, Columbus, Ohio: Ohio State University Press, 1977, pp. 337–340; and Hanes Walton, Jr.,Black Politics: A Theoretical and Structural Analysis, New York: J.B. Lippincott, 1972, pp. 196–202.

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  2. See James D. Campbell,Electoral Participation and the Quest for Equality: Black Politics in Alabama Since the Voting Rights Act of 1965, unpublished dissertation, University of Texas at Austin, 1976, chapters 6 and 7; Leonard A. Cole,Blacks in Power: A Comparative Study of Black and White Elected Officials, Princeton, New Jersey: Russell Sage Foundation, 1976, pp. 137–154; and Michael B. Preston, “Black Elected Officials and Public Policy: Symbolic or Substantive Representation?,”Policy Studies Journal, 7, Winter 1978, pp. 197–200.

  3. H.D. Price,The Negro and Southern Politics, Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1957, pp. 35–54.

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  4. Voter Education Project,News, IV, nos. 1 and 2, January–February 1970.

  5. National Roster of Black Elected Officials, Washington, D.C.: Joint Center for Political Studies, 1974, pp. 45–49.

  6. This trend was true for most black elected city officials in the South. The vast majority were elected in relatively small communities (population of less than 10,000) with populations that were less than 50 percent black. See David Campbell and Joe R. Feagin, “Black Politics in the South: A Descriptive Analysis,”Journal of Politics, 37, February 1975, pp. 142–143.

  7. See William R. Keech,The Impact of Negro Voting: The Role of the Vote in the Quest for Equality, Chicago: Rand McNally, 1968, p. 96.

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  8. U.S. Department of the Treasury, General Revenue Sharing, Initial Data Elements, Entitlement Period 7, pp. 32–36.

  9. The common assumption is that at-large elections reduce the electoral chances and effectiveness of blacks compared with district or ward elections. See Robert L. Lineberry and Edmund P. Fowler, “Reformism and Public Policies in American Cities,”American Political Science Review, 61, September 1967, pp. 715–716; and Karnig, “Black Representation on City Councils,” pp. 229–231.

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  10. See Robert L. Lineberry and Ira Sharkansky,Urban Politics and Public Policy, New York: Harper and Row, 1974, pp. 202–203.

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Button, J. Southern black elected officials: Impact on socioeconomic change. Rev Black Polit Econ 12, 29–45 (1982). https://doi.org/10.1007/BF02903924

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