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References

  1. E.g. Ann Ellis Hanson, “The Medical Writers' Woman”, in: David Halperin, John Winkler, and Froma Zeitlin, eds.,Before Sexuality: The Construction of Erotic Experience in the Ancient Greek World, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990), 309–38; Lesley Dean-Jones,Women's Bodies in Clasical Greek Science (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994); Rebecca Flemming,Medicine and the Making of Roman Women: Gender, nature, and authority from Celsus to Galen (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000); Monica H. Green,Women's Healthcare in the Medieval West (Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing, 2000); eadem, Monica H. Green,The Trotula; A medieval compendium of women's medicne (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001).

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  6. The origin of the Chinese writing system is still a problem of debate. Qiu Xigui, perhaps China's leading epigrapher, believes that “late Shang script was not too distant from the period in which a complete writing system was formed”. See hisChinese Writing, translated by Gilbert L. Mattos and Jerry Norman (Berkeley: The Society for the Study of Early China, 2000), p. 43. While there are indications that the late Shang system had much earlier antecedents, there is as yet no compelling evidence that those antecedents are part of a complete writing system.

  7. See, for example, Chen Mengjia,Shangshu tonglun, (Beijing: Zhonghua, 1985), p. 193 where he claims that this particularShangshu chapter was written just before the time of Mencius (perhaps the fourth century B.C.E.) and was moreover altered as late as the Qin (221–206 B.C.E.).

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  9. These are immensely complicated issues, but a good Chinese-language summary can be found in Yang Bojun's introduction to his four-volumeChunqiu Zuozhuan zhu (Beijing: Zhonghua, 1981), pp. 1–55. Some idea of the issues involved can be gained from Anne Cheng's and Chang I-jen's entries on these texts inEarly Chinese Texts: A Bibliographical Guide, ed. by Michael Loewe (Berkeley: The Society for the Study of Early China, 1993).

  10. Chinese Writing, p. 45. For an even stronger statement of the same principle, see William G. Boltz,The Origin and Early Development of the Chinese Writing System, American Oriental Series, Vol. 78, (New Haven, Connecticut: American Oriental Society, 1994), pp. 27–28.

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  15. I have in mind here the large comparative project of the late David I. Hall and Roger Ames, which has led to three books:Thinking Through Confucius (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1987;Anticipating China: Thinking Through the Narratives of Chinese and Western culture (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1995); andThinking from the Han: Self, Truth, and Transcendence in Chinese and Western Culture (Albany: State University of New York Prees, 1995); andThinking from the Han: Self, Truth, and Transcendence in Chinese and Western Culture (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1998); and also the vast comparative work of François Jullien. with regard to rehetoric, I would especially make note of Jullien'sLe Détour et l'accès: stratégies du sens en Chine, en Grèce (Paris: Bernard Grasset, 1995). Another work that points to ostensible differences but then shows how much those differences must be qualified is Steven Shankman and Stephen Durrant,The Siren and the Sage: Knowledge and Wisdom in Ancient Greece and China (London and New York: Cassell, 2000).

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  16. In particular, his fundamental article on “Exempla und mos mairorum. Überlegungen zum kollektiven Gedächtnis der römischen Nobilität,” in: H.-J. Gehrke and A. Möller, eds.,Vergangenheit und Lebenswelt. Soziale Kommunikation, Traditionsbildung und historisches bewußtsein, ScriptOralia 90: (Tübingen: G. Narr, 1996), 301–338.

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  17. Unrelated to Flaig's argument: remains of a further exedra have been recently discovered, and there is no doubt it had a pendant, thus bringing the total number to four; see E. La Rocca's forthcoming report inRömische Mitteilungen. Among other benefits, the discovery cancels out some Freudian interpretations of the Augustan Forum.

  18. An approach elaborated by J. Elsner,Art and the Roman Viewer (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995) and in a volume edited by him.Art and Text in Roman Culture (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996) [see the review of both volumes by D. Kleiner inIJCT 5 (1999/2000), 480–84]—the equivalent in art-historical interpretation to the “Appellstruktur der Texte” posited by Iser and Jauss.

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  21. See now Sophia Papioannou, Romanization and Greeks in Vergil's Aeneid (Univ. of Texas diss. 1998).

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  24. [Zu Southerns Buch s. den Besprechungsaufsatz von J. Marenbon, “Humanism, Scholasticism and the School of Chartres,” in dieser Zeitschrift (IJCT), 6 (1999/2000), 569–577.—W.H.]

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  26. When Warner speculates that the name Marie Le Gendre could be a play on ‘themariée of a Le Gendre' (p. 224), it could equally be said that Marie represents and equivalent to Madeleine (i.e. Mary of Magdala)…

  27. It would be worth reading this paper in conjunction with Barbara Feichtinger, ‘Verehrte Schwestern. Antike Frauengestalten als Identifikationsmodelle für gebildete Frauen in der Renaissance’ (with a résumé in French), in Michel Bastiaensen (ed.),La Femme lettrée à la Renaissance… Actes du Colloque international Bruxelles, 27–29 mars 1996, Travaux de l'Institut Interuniversitaire XII (Brussels: Peeters, 1997), pp. 25–48. This volume also contains an earlier study by C. Winn on Marie Le Gendre.

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  29. See e.g. the edition of Anne de Marquets' multilingual poetry on the occasion of the Colloque de Poissy (1561): André Gendre, ‘Naissance des échanges polémiques à la veille des guerres civiles: Anne de Marquets et son adversaire protestant (texte intégral, avec une traduction et des annotations),Bibliothèque d’Humanisme et Renaissance 52 (2000), pp. 317–357. Also of interest is: Evelyne Berriot-Salvadore, ‘“Une nonain latinisante”: Anne de Marquets’, in:Poésie et Bible de la Renaissance à l’âge classique 1550–1680, éd. Pascale Blum et Anne Mantero (Paris: Champion, 1999).

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  38. In seiner GedächtnisredeZum brüderlichen Andenken Wielands, gehalten in der Weimarer Freimaurerloge am 18. Februar 1813, bewundert ihn Goethe dafür. Gerade in ihrer vornehmen Indirektheit, die zumal heute zu genauer Lektüre zwingt, gehört diese Rede zu den einsichtsvollsten Charakteristiken des Dichters überhaupt.

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  43. Christoph Martin Wieland,Übersetzung des Horaz, hg. von Manfred, Fuhrmann, Frankfurt/M.: Deutscher Klassiker Verlag 1986, darin bes. das dem Kommentar vorangestellte grundsätzliche Nachwort über “Wielands Horaz-Übersetzungen” (S. 1061–1095).

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  44. Christoph Martin Wieland,Geschichte des Agathon, hg. von Klaus Manger, Frankfurt/M.: Deutscher Klassiker Verlag 1986, undAristipp und einige seiner Zeitgenossen, hg. von Klaus Manger, Frankfurt/M.: Deutscher Klassiker Verlag 1988; vgl. auch K. Manger,Klassizismus und Aufklärung. Das Beispiel des späten Wieland, Frankfurt/M.: Klostermann 1991. Leider scheint die auf 12 Bände angelegte Wielandausgabe des Deutschen Klassiker Verlags nicht mehr fortgeführt zu werden—ein weiteres Fragment, so ist zu befürchten, in der an steckengebliebenen Projekten so reichhaltigen Geschichte der Wielandphilologie.

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  45. Über die korrekten Vornamen dieses für den Verf. so wichtigen Autors besteht immer wieder Unklarheit. Auch sonst sind mehrere Fehler in Orthographie, Interpunktion und leider auch Syntax stehengeblieben; die beiden letzten Zeilen von S. 286 werden auf der folgenden Seite oben wiederholt.

  46. Vgl. Jan Philipp Reemtsma,Das Buch vom Ich. Christoph Martin Wielands “Aristipp und einige seiner Zeitgenossen”, Zürich: Haffmans 1993 (auch dtv 30760), 4. Kap.: “Lais.”

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  47. Zur Frage der Geschichtsphilosophie bei Wieland vgl. Herbert Jaumann in:Wieland Arbeitsbuch 1994 (wie Fn. 1), S. 87, 206.

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Kallendorf, C., Winkes, R., Pollitt, J.J. et al. Book reviews. Int class trad 8, 261–338 (2001). https://doi.org/10.1007/BF02701810

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