Abstract
We describe two experiments that explored the on-line processing of coordinated (e.g.,The policeman defended himself and the fireman did [e] too, according to someone who was there) and subordinated VP-ellipsis (e.g.,The policeman defended himself because the fireman did [e], according to someone who was there). Such constructions have two possible interpretations: The “sloppy” reading is thatthe fireman defended himself, wherehimself corefers withthe fireman. The “strict” reading is thatthe fireman defended him, wherehim corefers withthe policeman. In our experiments we examined the strict reading, and found different time courses of processing the coordinated and subordinated structures. In coordination we found immediate reaccess of the nonlocal subject at the gap. In subordinated structures we found the reaccess effect only downstream from the gap. We interpret these patterns as reflecting the automatic nature of gap filling in coordinated ellipsis, but in subordinated ellipsis a causal relation must be computed between the two clauses, “drawing out” reaccess of the filler.
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The research reported in this manuscript was supported by NIH grant DC00494 and by a University of Bergen Faculty of Arts research grant. We thank Andy Barss for his thoughtful review and suggestions, and Tom Bever, Andy Kehler, and Gregory Ward for their suggestions prior to and after our presentation at the 1995 CUNY Human Sentence Processing Conference. We also thank Kim Luscher and our research assistants for their invaluable contributions to this work.
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Shapiro, L.P., Hestvik, A. On-line comprehension of VP-ellipsis: Syntactic reconstruction and semantic influence. J Psycholinguist Res 24, 517–532 (1995). https://doi.org/10.1007/BF02143165
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/BF02143165