The early eighteenth century Confronts the Beard: Kabbalah and Jewish Self-Fashioning

  • Elliott Horowitz


Eighteenth Century Early Eighteenth Century 
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  1. 1.
    S.Y. Agnon,A Simple Story, trans. H. Halkin (New York, 1985), 15. For the Hebrew original, seeKol Sipurav shel Shmuel Yosef Agnon (Jerusalem and Tel Aviv, 1978) 3: 65. On Gentili and his portrait seeEJ 7: 414–15 (s.v. “Gentili”).Google Scholar
  2. 2.
    See Cecil Roth,Venice (Philadelphia, 1930), 171; idem,History of the Jews in Italy (Philadelphia, 1946), 360. On the beardlessness of R. Tranquilo Vita (Manoah Hayyim) Corcos of Rome, see the 1723 caricature reproduced in Attilio Milano,Il Ghetto di Roma (Rome, 1964), illus. no. 83. Significantly, the latter's face is as smooth as that of the baptized Jew portrayed by the same caricturist (P. L. Ghezzi, ibid., no. 84). Note also the example of R. Judah Briel (d. 1722) of Mantua, concerning whose absence of beard see Isaiah Sonne, “Correspondence Between R. Moses Hagiz and R. Samson Morpurgo Regarding Nehemiah Hayon and his Sect,” (in Hebrew)Kobez 'al Yad 12, 2 (1937):182. On R. Samson Morpurgo of Ancona, see n. 19 below.Google Scholar
  3. 3.
    See the letter cited by Simon Ginzburg,The Life and Works of Moses Hayyim Luzzatto (Philadelphia, 1931), 48, n. 78, and later published in Ginzburg, R. Moshe Hayyim Luzzatto u-Venei Doro: Osef Iggerot u-Teudot (Tel Aviv, 1937), 86, no. 39. That Bassan himself was bearded may be seen from the reference to him in ibid, 263, no. 101. On the Luzzatto controversy and on the respective roles of Hagiz and Bassan, see the excellent study by Elisheva Carlebach,The Pursuit of Heresy: Rabbi Moses Hagiz and the Sabbatian Controversies (New York, 1990), chs. 7–8. On the problem of Luzzatto's beardlessness, see there pp. 206, 221. See also Meir Benayahu, “The ‘maggid’ of R. Moses Hayyim Luzatto,”Sefunot 5 (in Hebrew) (1961) [=Isaiah Sonne Memorial Volume]: 301 On the problem of his being unmarried, see below.Google Scholar
  4. 4.
    Ginzburg,R. Moshe Hayyim Luzzatto, 47, 65, nos. 21, 30. See also Benayahu, “The ‘maggid’ of R. Moses Hayyim Luzatto,” 311–12. For some comparisons between the famousmaggid of R. Joseph Kato and that of Ramhal, see ibid, 309, 311, and on the general phenomenon of maggidism, see the bibliography cited by Carlebach,The Pursuit of Heresy, 323 n. 2.Google Scholar
  5. 5.
    Ginzburg,R. Moshe Hayyim Luzzatto, 101–2, n. 46; Benayahu, “The ‘maggid’ of R. Moses Hayyim Luzatto,” 301; Carlebach,The Pursuit of Heresy, 206, 211.Google Scholar
  6. 6.
    See, for example, Meir Poppers,Or ha-Yashar (Amsterdam, 1709), 25c.Google Scholar
  7. 7.
    The view of R. Asher is quoted by his son R. Jacob in Tur, Even ha-Ezer, 1. Although R. Moses Isserles (d. 1572) testified that in his day no such coercion was used (see his comments to Shulkhan 'Arukh, Even ha-Ezer 1:3), one does encounter various ways in which, in early modern times, bachelors over 20 could be stigmatized. Note, for example, the mid-eighteenth century ordinance of the Jewish community of Jerusalem which denied bachelors between 20 and 60 the right of residence in the holy city, cited by S.W. Baron,The Jewish Community: Its History and Structure to the American Revolution, 3 vols. (Philadelphia, 1942), 2: 38.Google Scholar
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    F. M. Misson,A New Voyage to Italy, 5th ed., 2 (London, 1739), 137f.Google Scholar
  9. 9.
    Poppers,Or ha-Yashar, 4c [quoted also in Simha Assaf,Mekorot le-Toledot ha-Hinnukh be-Yisrael, 4 vols. (Tel Aviv and Jerusalem, 1925–1942), 1: 182]. See also Gershom, Scholem,Sabbatai Sevi: The Mystical Messiah (Princeton, 1973), 203 (re Nathan of Gaza). On the suspicion shown toward the unmarried in late medieval and early modern Jewish society, see further Elliott Horowitz, “Mondi giovanili ebraici in Europa, 1300–1800,” in J.C. Schmitt and G. Levi, eds.,Storia dei giovani (Bari and Rome, 1994), 1:113–16 and the sources cited there.Google Scholar
  10. 10.
    Mishna,Makot 3:5; Maimonides,Mishneh Torah, Laws of Idolatry 12:7.Google Scholar
  11. 11.
    Poppers,Or ha-Yashar, 23c; idem,Or Zaddikim (Hamburg, 1690), 13b; Hayyim Vital, Sefer Likutei Torah ve-Tamei (Tel Aviv, 1963), 194–95; Jacob Zemah,Naggid u-Mezavveh (Jerusalem, 1965), 113–14. All three are quoted in Moshe Wiener,Hadras Ponim-Zokon, 2d ed. (New York, 1978), 146, 159, 161. Wiener's work, though in many ways flawed and somewhat selective, is nonetheless the largest collection of Jewish sources relating to the topic of facial hair, and many of the sources quoted or cited below appear there as well.Google Scholar
  12. 12.
    Elliott Horowitz, “Visages du judaïsme: De la barbe en monde juif et de l'élaboration de ses significations,” forthcoming inAnnales: Économies, Sociétés, Civilisations (1994); idem, “On the Meanings of the Beard in Oriental and European Jewish Communities in Medieval and Early Modern Times,” Peamim 59 (in Hebrew) (1994).Google Scholar
  13. 13.
    Gershom Scholem, “Tradition and New Creation in the Ritual of the Kabbalists,” in idem,On the Kabbalah and its Symbolism, trans. R. Manheim (New York, 1965), 135.Google Scholar
  14. 14.
    Elliott Horowitz, “Coffee, Coffeehouses, and the Nocturnal Rituals of Early Modern Jewry,”AJS Review 14 (1989): 17–46.Google Scholar
  15. 15.
    W. H. Lewis,Levantine Adventurer: The Travels and Missions of the Chevalier d'Arvieux., 1653–1697 (London, 1962), 100–1. The quotation is from Lewis's own paraphrase ofMémoires du Chevalier d' Arvieux, ed. J. B. Labat, 7 vols. (Paris, 1735), 3: 212–17, which I have not yet been able to consult.Google Scholar
  16. 16.
    Fernand Braudel,Civilization and Capitalism, vol. 1;The Structures of Everyday Life, trans. Sian Reynolds (New York, 1981), 332; Joan Nunn,Fashion in Costume: 1200–1800 (London, 1984), 62. Note also R. Corson,Fashions in Hair (New York, 1965), 302 who describes the eighteenth century as “one of the few times in history that almost total beardlessness was ever practiced.”Google Scholar
  17. 17.
    J. A. Dulaure,Pognologia, or A Philosophical and Historical Essay on Beards (London, 1786), 124.Google Scholar
  18. 18.
    Ginzburg, R.Moshe Hayyim Luzzatto, 129–30, no. 56.Google Scholar
  19. 19.
    EJ, s.v. “Morpurgo, Samson,” 12: 350. It was earlier reproduced in Roth, AHistory of the Jews in Italy, facing 403.Google Scholar
  20. 20.
    On Morpurgo see Edgardo Morpurgo,La famiglia Morpurgo di Gradisca sull' Isouzo, 1585–1885: Monografia storica documentata (Padua, 1909); M. Wilensky, “On the Rabbis of Ancona,”Sinai 25 (in Hebrew) (1949): 68–75; Meir Benayahu, “R. Samson Morpurgo: Some Information and Sources Concerning his Life,Sinai 84 (in Hebrew) (1978–9): 134–65; and most recently D. B. Ruderman, “Philosophy, Kabbalah, and Science in the Culture of the Italian Ghetto: On the Debate Between Samson Morpurgo and Aviad Sar Shalom Basilae,”Jerusalem Studies in Jewish Thought 11 (1993): vii-xxiv and the literature cited there, ix n. 6.Google Scholar
  21. 22.
    See Jacob Katz,Halakha and Kabbalah: Studies in the History of Jewish Religion, its Various Faces, and Social Relevance (in Hebrew) (Jerusalem, 1984), 114–16. Morgurgo's first name is erroneously given there as Simon.Google Scholar
  22. 23.
    Morpurgo's commentary appeared in Venice under the title 'Ez ha-Daat See Ruderman, “Philosophy, Kabbalah, and Science,” x–xvi and the earlier discussion by Meir Benayahu, “Sefer Ez ha-Daat of R. Samson Morpurgo,”Alei Sefer 6–7 (in Hebrew) (1978–9): 129–38.Google Scholar
  23. 24.
    Ginzburg,R. Moshe Hayyim Luzzatto, 130.Google Scholar
  24. 25.
    Carlebach,The Pursuit of Heresy, 205–14.Google Scholar
  25. 26.
    Sonne, “Correspondence,” 182.Google Scholar
  26. 27.
    See Abraham Grossman,The Early Sages of Ashkenaz (in Hebrew), 2d ed. (Jerusalem, 1988), 246 and the sources cited there, n. 191.Google Scholar
  27. 28.
    Moses Hagiz,Mishnat Hakhamim (Wandsbeck, 1733), no. 219. Leopold Zunz also refused, for very different reasons, to accept this tradition regarding R. Jacob b. Yakar, referring to its as drawing upon “spatere fabeln.” See his early essay “Salomon ben Isaac, gennant Raschi,”Zeitschrift für die Wissenschaft des Judenthums 1 (Berlin, 1822): 315.Google Scholar
  28. 29.
    Moses Hagiz,Leket ha-Kemah (Amsterdam, 1707), pt. 2 (Yoreh Deah) 229a–32a. On shaving on the part of theHatan Torah in eighteenth-century Italy, see also Isaac Lampronti,Pahad Yizhak, ed. B. M. Cohen, vol. 5, (Jerusalem, 1986), 362–81, s.v. “giluah be-hol ha-moed.”Google Scholar
  29. 30.
    Joseph Ergas,Responsa Divrei Yosef (Livorno, 1742), nos. 1, 36. Note also Daniel Sperber,Minhagei Yisrael 2 (Jerusalem, 1991), 51, 58, and the sources cited there.Google Scholar
  30. 31.
    The latter devoted his public addresses there to the twin problems of shaving with a razor and imbibing non-Jewish wine, whereas the former composed amaaqama in which the leaders of the Portuguese community were accused of laxity in these two matters. It is not clear whether he was referring to the Portuguese Jews of Livorno or to those of Tunis. See Meir Benayahu, “R. Abraham ibn Mussa and his son R. Moses: Two Great Lurianic Kabbalists of North Africa,”Michael 5 (in Hebrew) (1978): 46–7, 100–3.Google Scholar
  31. 32.
    Nathan Shapira,Yayyin ha-Meshumar (Venice, 1660), 34b, 38a.Google Scholar
  32. 33.
    See Elliott Horowitz, “Towards a Social History of Jewish Popular Religion: Obadiah of Bertinoro on the Jews of Palermo,”The Journal of Religious History 17 (1992): 142–43 and the sources cited there. See also Scholem,Sabbatai Sevi, 487.Google Scholar
  33. 34.
    See J. A. Repton,Some Account of the Beard and the Moustachio (London, 1839), 20–21; Corson,Fashions in Hair, 199. For an early eighteenth-century critical comment on the custom of some German Jews to wear only a stilleto beard (likened to the vowel “kamatz”), see Joseph Juspa Kosman,Noheg ka-Zon Yosef (Tel Aviv, 1969), 64 (par. 3). The work was first published in 1718.Google Scholar
  34. 35.
    Corson,Fashions in Hair, 198.Google Scholar
  35. 36.
    John Bulwer,Anthropometamorphasis: Man Transform'd (London, 1653), 200ff. The work first appeared in 1650. On Bulwer see H. J. Norman, “John Bulwer and hisAnthropometamorphasis,” in E. A. Underwood ed.,Science, Medicine, and History: Essays⋯in Honour of Charles Singer, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1953), 2: 81–99; M. T. Hodgen,Early Anthropology in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (Philadelphia, 1964), 128–9. Bolzani's treatisePro sacerdotum barbis was published in Rome in 1531, and by 1639 had appeared in its fifth Latin edition. On his work see André Chastel,The Sack of Rome, 1527, trans. B. Archer (Princeton, 1983), 188–9.Google Scholar
  36. 37.
    See Lewis,Levantine Adventurer, 37.Google Scholar
  37. 38.
    Shabtai Bar, Responsa Beer Ezek (Venice, 1674), no. 70.Google Scholar
  38. 39.
    SeeDivan Rav Immanuel ben David Frances, ed. Simon Bernstein (Tel Aviv, 1932), 130. Note the interesting parallel with the eleventh-century poem of “Samuel the Nagid” in H. Schirmann ed., Ha-Shira ha-Ivrit be-Sefard uve-Provence, 2d ed. (Jerusalem and Tel Aviv, 1959), 1, no. 45.Google Scholar
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    Giulio Morosini,Via della fede mostrata a'gli Ebrei, 2 vols. (Rome, 1683), 1: 550–51: “Questo precetto nè meno è osservato hoggidi da gli Ebrei, vedendosi per tutto, che vanno colla barba rasa, ancorche alcuni bacchettoni e hipoeriti adoprano, per non trasgredir il comandamento, in luogo del rasoio, la punta della forbice⋯”Google Scholar
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    See Horowitz, “Coffee, Coffeehouses,” 29.Google Scholar
  41. 42.
    Benjamin ha-Kohen Vitale,Gevul Binyamin (Amsterdam, 1727), no. 48.Google Scholar
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    See the extensive biographical discussion in Reuven Bonfil, “New Information on Menahem Azariah da Fano and his Age,” (in Hebrew) in E. Etkes and Y. Salmon, eds.,Studies in the History of Jewish Society⋯Presented to Professor Jacob Katz (Jerusalem, 1980), 98–135; idem, “Halakha, Kabbalah, and Society: Some Insights into Rabbi Menahem Azariah da Fano's Inner World,” in I. Twersky and B. Septimus, eds.,Jewish Thought in the Seventeenth Century (Cambridge, Mass, 1987), 39–61; Yosef Avivi, “The Kabbalistic Writings of R. Menahem Azariah of Fano,”Sefunot (in Hebrew), n.s. 4, 19 (1989): 347–76.Google Scholar
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    See Bonfil, “New Information,” 128, n. 30, 134–5.Google Scholar
  44. 45.
    Bar, Beer Esek, no. 70.Google Scholar
  45. 46.
    On RMA's shift, in the 1590s, from Cordoverian Kabbalah to the Lurianic variety as a result of his studies with Sarug, see Isaiah Tishby, “The Confrontation between Lurianic Kabbalah and Cordoverian Kabbalah in the Writings and Life of Rabbi Aaron Berechia of Modena,”Zion 39 (in Hebrew) (1974): 9–13 and Bonfil, “New Information,” 113–14.Google Scholar
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    Ergas,Divrei Yosef, no. 25. Note also his letter to Isaiah Bassan cited above n. 5.Google Scholar
  47. 48.
    Contrast, in the early nineteenth century, the comments of R. Hananel Nepi published by G. Jare, “Analekten aus den Schriften des Hananel Nepi,” (in Hebrew)Festschrift ⋯A. Harkavy (St. Petersburg, 1908), 481–83. For other discussions of RMA's alleged practice and Bar's responsum, see Wiener,Hadros Ponim, 629–41.Google Scholar
  48. 49.
    In Kaufmann's words, “une barbe coupée régulierement, nullement inculte et abandonnée.” See idem, “Menahem Azariah di Fano,”REJ 39 (1899): 113–16. The fact that the portrait (ibid., 115) depicts a man of advanced age, and that it was found in Mantua, where RMA spent his last years, precludes the possibility that it was executed during the latter's youthful Cordoverian period. Concerning the early seventeenthcentury beard note Corson,Fashions in Hair, 198: “Great care was taken of the beard, which was arranged with the help of a small beard brush and comb, and kept in shape with perfumed wax.”Google Scholar
  49. 50.
    On these see Minna Rozen, “Contest and Rivalry in the Mediterranean Maritime Commerce in the First Half of the Eighteenth Century,”REJ 147 (1988): 309–52. Note also Aron Rodrigue, “Abram de Camondo of Istanbul: The Transformation of Jewish Philanthropy,” in Frances Malino and David Sorkin, eds.,From East to West: Jews in a Changing Europe (Oxford, 1990), 47, and the sources cited there n.4.Google Scholar
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    Ibid., 74c-d. Although it is clear that Ergas is responding to a responsum siding with the “Franco” side in the dispute, he does not name its author, though he treats him with considerable respect. There are certain similarities between the arguments in this anonymous responsum and the one penned by Samson Morpurgo on the affair (see next note), but it does not seem to be identical with his.Google Scholar
  52. 53.
    Samson Morpurgo,Responsa Shemesh Zedaka 1 (Venice, 1742–3), Sect. 2 (Yoreh Deah), 61. This responsum was briefly noted by Baron,Jewish Community 3: 203, and before him by Israel Abrahams,Jewish Life in the Middle Ages (Philadelphia, 1896), 284, n. 1 and by Louis Ginzberg in his fine entry “Beard,”Jewish Encyclopedia 2: 613, but not yet to my knowledge discussed in any depth. It may well be that Morpurgo's brother David, who came to Salonika ca 1710 and died there in 1758, was one of the merchants involved. On David Morpurgo see Morpurgo,La famiglia, 32, 34; I.S. Immanuel,Mazevot Saloniki 2 (Jerusalem, 1968), no. 1510.Google Scholar
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    Ibid., 102b. On Ricchi see Katz, cited above n. 22.Google Scholar
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    Ibid., 103b. Moreover, he added, “in the cities of the Levant, especially Contantinople, Adrianople, Smyrna and Salonika, there have always been foreign merchants residing, and these have been permitted by the rabbis to follow their own custom.”Google Scholar
  55. 56.
    Ibid., 102d–103a. Morpurgo asserted that “our fathers and forefathers were in the habit of trimming their beards according to the true ‘Kabbalah’ which they possessed,” (ibid., 103a) by which he meant Rabbinic tradition. This expression (“ha-Kabbalah he-amitit”) had earlier been used in that sense, as Morpurgo well knew, by R. Tam ibn Yahya. See ibid., 102c and Katz,Halakha and Kabbalah, 66. Note also Morpurgo's later use of this expression, which reflected his own distance from mystical Kabbalah, in his letter to Hagiz (Ginzburg, R.Moshe Hayyim Luzzatto, 129).Google Scholar
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    His responsum was published as an appendix to that of Morpurgo, inShemesh Zedaka 1, 2:103c-d.Google Scholar
  57. 58.
    R. S. Lopez and I.W. Raymond, eds.,Medieval Trade in the Mediterranean World (New York, 1955), 355–56; M. Letts, trans. and ed.,Pero Tafur: Travels and Adventures 1435–1439 (London, 1926), 175; Lewis,Levantine Adventurer, 37.Google Scholar
  58. 59.
    The Ketubba is in the possession of the Israel Museum, Jerusalem. See Iris Fischoff, “The Iconography of an IlluminatedKetubbah from Padua,”The Israel Museum Journal 8 (1989): 25–30; Shalom Sabar,Mazal Tov (Jerusalem, 1993), 82 and pl. 11. Note also the 1728 Ketubba from Ferrara, (ibid., pl. 23) where the groom, Elisha Haim De' Rossi, is also beardless, as well as the Paduan Ketubba, whose illustations were apparently executed ca 1750 (ibid., pl. 28). Worthy of note also is the Ketubba illustrated for the 1733 Mondovi-Sullam marriage, which took place in Mantua (reused in 1820), in which the bride and (cleanshaven) groom depicted are, as L. M. Ottolenghi has observed, “perfectly Venetian.” See her essay “Ketubbah Decoration: Symbolism and Reality,” inKetubbot Italiane (Milan, 1984), 248 and ibid., pl. 17. The Venetian appearance of the couple would appear to be due to their having been copied, together with most of the Ketubba's other illustrations, from the 1732 Ketubbah executed for the marriage of Samuel Cantarini of Padua (like Abraham Mondovi, a Kohen), or from its model.Google Scholar
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    The quotations are not from Cassuto's travel diary itself — only a section of which has been published — but from the paraphrase of the Oxford manuscript by R. Barnett in his article “The Travels of Moses Cassuto,” in J. M. Shaftesley, ed.,Remember the Days: Essays on Anglo-Jewish History Presented to Cecil Roth (London, 1966), 97, 99. Selections from the diary, dealing primarily with Cassuto's stay in Palestine, have been published recently in a bilingual edition. See Moisè Vita Cafsuto,Diario di un viaggio in Terra Santa, ed. M. C. Salzmann and D. Cassuto, trans, into Hebrew by Josef Rofè (Jerusalem, 1983).Google Scholar
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    Alfred Rubens,A Jewish Iconography (London, 1954), nos. 1325–26; idem,Jewish Costume (London, 1967), 158, 237 (illus. 235, 238). These illustrations were deleted from the revised edition (London, 1973) of the latter work.Google Scholar
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    Count MacDonnel, ed. and trans.,Diary of an Austrian Secretary of Legation at the Court of Czar Peter the Great, 2 vols. (London, 1863), 1: 155–56; James Cracaft,The Church Reform of Peter the Great (London, 1971), 9–10. See also Reginald Reynolds,Beards: Their Social Standing, Religious Involvements, Decorative Possibilities, and Value in Offence and Defence Through the Ages (London, 1950), 257–758.Google Scholar
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    E.V. Ansimov,The Reforms of Peter the Great: Progress through Coercion in Russia, trans. J. T. Alexander (New York, 1993), 218–19.Google Scholar
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    Heimann Jolowicz,Geschichte der Juden in Königsberg in Provinz Posen (Posen, 1867), 36. Königsberg was not the only Prussian Jewish community where tensions emerged in the early eighteenth century between those Jews who favored the cleanshaven look and those who regarded shaving as a serious transgression. Note the 1738 case of Jeremiah Cohn in Berlin, who shaved his beard and wore a fashionable wig on his head, which he would not remove while reciting the “Priestly Blessing.” The community took objection, but decided to punish him rather moderately, permitting him to be called to the Torah on weekdays and Sabbaths, but not on festivals or the High Holidays until he grew his beard back. See Moritz Stern,Beiträge zur Geschichte der Juden in Berlin (Berlin, 1909), 6–7; Josef Meisl, ed.,Protokollbuch der Jüdischen Gemeinde Berlin: 1723–1854 (Jerusalem, 1962), no. 80. I thank Shmuel Feiner for bringing the latter source to my attention. For another beard-related conflict in Berlin during the reign of Frederick the Great, see Stern,Beiträge zur Geschichte der Juden in Berlin, 7ff.Google Scholar
  64. 65.
    Jolowicz,Geschichte der Juden in Königsberg, 75. Curiously, Frederick's thirteenthcentury namesake had issued a similar decree in Sicily in 1221. See, among the many discussions, Roth,History of the Jews in Italy, 98; David Abulafia,Frederick II: A Medieval Emperor (London, 1988), 143–44.Google Scholar
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    Quoted from the 1733 English translation of the French original in Rubens,Jewish Costume, 154.Google Scholar
  66. 67.
    Quoted from Wurfel'sHistorische Nachricht von der Judengemeinde⋯ Fürth by Rubens,Jewish Costume (rev. ed., 1973), 197. On the link between the beard of the Jew and that of the billygoat, see Joshua Trachtenberg,The Devil and the Jews: The Medieval Conception of the Jew and its Relation to Modern Antisemitism (New Haven, 1943), 46 and the sources cited there.Google Scholar
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    Quoted in Repton,Some Account, 6. See also Reynolds,Beards, 261.Google Scholar
  70. 71.
    Isaac de Pinto in [A. Guénée]Lettres de quelques juifs portugais et allemands, à M. de Voltaire, 3rd ed. (Paris, 1772), 17. My translation is based on the English translation of 1777 by Philip Lefanu, which I have modernized slightly. See also H. J. Zimmels,Ashkenazim and Sephardim, 2d ed. (London, 1969), 61–62 and the discussion of Pinto in Arthur Hertzberg,The French Enlightenment and the Jews: The Origins of Modern Anti-Semitism (New York, 1968), 180–83.Google Scholar

Copyright information

© Haifa University Press 1994

Authors and Affiliations

  • Elliott Horowitz
    • 1
  1. 1.Bar-Ilan UniversityUSA

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