Abstract
This paper approaches Case Theory through the problem of case alternations and case change. Two such alternations, Dative Sickness (or Substitution) and Nominative Substitution, are compared in Icelandic, German and Old English. The paper proposes a unification-based theory of case, which consists of three main constraints on the relation of NP properties and morphosyntactic realization: the Applicability Constraint, the Restrictiveness Constraint and the Linking Dissimilation Constraint. Given only the necessary device of optionality, exactly the desired alternations and their systematic limitations follow from general principles. The theory leads to a diachronic account of the changes as instances of analogy.
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Smith, H. “Dative Sickness” in germanic. Nat Lang Linguist Theory 12, 675–736 (1994). https://doi.org/10.1007/BF00992930
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/BF00992930